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Chapter 6 A PEASANT FAMILY OF THE OLD TYPE

Word Count: 4561    |    Released on: 28/11/2017

-Predominance of Economic Conceptions over those of Blood-relationship-Peasant Marriages-A

and through him, after my recovery, I made the acquaintance of several peasants living

grey, was in part counteracted by his eyes, which had a strange twinkle in them-whether of humour or of roguery, it was difficult to say. Under all circumstances-whether in his light, nondescript summer costume, or in his warm sheep-skin, or in the long, glossy, dark-blue, double-breasted coat which he put on occasionally on Sundays and holidays-he always looked a well-fed, respectable, prosperous member of society; whilst his imperturbable composure, and the entire a

y, "No, children; I have served my term. It is now the turn of some one who is younger, and has more time. There's Peter Alekseyef, a good fellow, and an honest; you may choose him." And the Assembly chose the peasant indicated; for Ivan, though a simple member of the Commune, had more in

y years of age-not merely a serf of the State, but the serf of a proprietor who had lived habitually on his property. For thirty years of his life he had been dependent on the arbitrary will of a master who had the legal power to flog

ately, for some years immediately before the Emancipation, seventy roubles. In return for this annual sum he was free to work and wander about as he pleased, and for some years he had made ample use of his conditional liberty. I never succeeded in extracting from him a chronological account of his travels, but I could gather from his occasional remarks that he had wandered over a great part of European Russia. Evidently he had been in

To all my inquiries on this topic he was wont to reply vaguely, "Lesnoe dyelo"-that is to say, "Timber business"; and from this I concluded that his chief occupation had been that of a t

, beauty was a kind of luxury which only nobles and rich merchants could afford, and ordinary comeliness was a very secondary consideration-so secondary as to be left almost entirely out of sight. This was likewise the opinion of Ivan's wife. She had never been comely herself, she used to say, but she had been a good wife to her husband. He had never complained about her want of good looks, and had never gone after those who were considered good-looking. In

ay, and according to public opinion in that part of the country there was nothing abnormal in the proceeding. Indeed, it may be said in general that there is very little romance or sentimentality about Russian peasant marriages. In this as in other respects the Russian peasantry are, as a class, extremely practical and matter-of-fact in their conceptions and habits, and are not at all prone to indulge in sublime, ethereal sentiments of any kind. They have little or nothing of what may be termed the Hermann and

Ivan and his wife, two sons, three daughters-in-law, and an indefinite and frequently varying number of grandchildren. The fact that there were three daughters-in-law and only two sons was the result of the Conscription, which had taken away the youngest son shortly after his marriage. The two who remained spent only a small part of the year at home. The one was a carpenter and the other a bricklayer, and both wandered about t

e primitive form of the institution, and is now not very often met with. Here, as elsewhere, capital has made itself felt, and destroyed that equality which exists among the members of an artel in the above sense of the word. Instead of forming themselves into a temporary association, t

because he knows that if any defalcations occur they will be made good to him by the artel. Such accidents very rarely happen, and the fact is by no means so extraordinary as many people suppose. The artel, being responsible for the individuals of which it is composed, is very careful in admitting new members, and a man when admitted is closely watched, not only by the regularly constituted office-bearers, but also by all

Both of them paid a large part of their earnings into the family treasury, over which their father exercised uncontrolled authority. If he wished to make any considerable outlay, he consulted his sons on the subject; but as he was a prudent, intellig

nd authority of the Head of the House, called usually the Khozain-that is to say, the Administrator; or, in some districts, the Bolshak, which means literally "the Big One." Generally speaking, this important position was occupied by the grandfather, or, if he was dead, by the eldest brother, but the rule

f female tongues, which do not readily submit to the authority even of their owners; but very often it happened that the Big One was not thoroughly well fitted for his post, and in that case endless quarrels and bickerings inevitably took place. Those quarrels were generally caused and fomented by the female members of the family-a fact which will no

sessed an unusual amount of authority-without the express or tacit consent of the other grown-up males, and all the money that was earned was put into the common purse. When one of the sons left home to work elsewhere, he was expected to bring or send home all his earnings, except what he required for food, lodgings, and other necessary expe

ccasions the degree of blood-relationship is not taken into consideration in the distribution of the property. All the adult male members share equally. Illegitimate and adopted sons, if they have contributed their share of labour, have the same rights as the sons born in lawful wedlock. The married daughter, on the contrary-being regarded as belonging to her husband's family-and the son who has previously separated himself from the household, are excluded from the succession. Strictly speaking, the succession or inheritance is confined to the wearing apparel and any little personal effects of a deceased member. The house and all that it conta

nit. To procure a horse, either by purchase or by rearing a foal, is the duty of the Head of the House; to procure a wife for the youth is the duty of "the female Big One" (Bolshukha). And the chief consideration in determining the choice is in both cases the same. Prudent domestic administrators are not to be tempted by showy horses or beautiful brides; what they seek is not beauty, but physical strength and capacity for work. When the youth reache

and even the fictitious relationship created by standing together at the baptismal font as godfather and godmother is legally recognised, and may constitute a bar to matrimony. If all the preliminary negotiations are successful, the marriage takes place, and the bridegroom brings his bride home to the house of which he is a member. She brings nothing with her as a dowry except her trousseau, but she brings a pair of good strong arms, and t

e successfully than a small one. These are principles of world-wide application, but in the life of the Russian peasantry they have a peculiar force. Each adult peasant possesses, as I shall hereafter explain, a share of the Communal land, but this share is not sufficient to occupy all his time and working power. One married pair can easily cultivate two shares-at least in all provinces where the peasant allotments are not very large. Now, if a family is composed of two married couples

estic dissension. In the matrimonial affairs of the serfs, too, the majority of the proprietors systematically exercised a certain supervision, not necessarily from any paltry meddling spirit, but because their own material interests were thereby affected. A proprietor would not, for instance, allow the daughter of one of his serfs to marry a s

may appear when regarded from the economic point of view,

such families are greatly endangered by proximity of habitation. To live in the same street is not advisable; to occupy adjoining houses is positively dangerous; and to live under the same roof is certainly fatal to prolonged amity. There may be the very best intentions on both sides

same food," they are at least "hurt with the same weapons, subject to the same diseases, healed by the same means," and liable to be irritated by the same annoyances as we are. And those of them who live in large families are subjected to a kind of probation that most of us have never dreamed of. The families comprising a large household

he arbitrary rule of the Khozain was based on, and maintained by, the arbitrary rule of the proprietor, and both naturally fell together. Households like that of ou

e usurers consider twenty or twenty-five per cent. a by no means exorbitant rate of interest. A laudable attempt has been made to remedy this state of things by village banks, but these have proved successful only in certain exceptional localities. As a rule the peasant who contracts debts has a hard struggle to pay the interest in ordinary times, and when some misfortune overtakes him-when, for instance, the harvest is bad or his horse is stolen-he probably falls hopelessly into pecuniary embarrassments. I have seen peasants not specially addicted to drunkenness or other ruinous habits sink to a helpless state of insolvency. Fo

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Contents

Chapter 1 TRAVELLING IN RUSSIA Chapter 2 IN THE NORTHERN FORESTS Chapter 3 VOLUNTARY EXILE Chapter 4 THE VILLAGE PRIEST Chapter 5 A MEDICAL CONSULTATION Chapter 6 A PEASANT FAMILY OF THE OLD TYPE Chapter 7 THE PEASANTRY OF THE NORTH Chapter 8 THE MIR, OR VILLAGE COMMUNITY Chapter 9 HOW THE COMMUNE HAS BEEN PRESERVED, AND WHAT IT IS TO EFFECT IN THE FUTURE Chapter 10 FINNISH AND TARTAR VILLAGES Chapter 11 LORD NOVGOROD THE GREAT
Chapter 12 THE TOWNS AND THE MERCANTILE CLASSES
Chapter 13 THE PASTORAL TRIBES OF THE STEPPE
Chapter 14 THE MONGOL DOMINATION
Chapter 15 THE COSSACKS
Chapter 16 FOREIGN COLONISTS ON THE STEPPE
Chapter 17 AMONG THE HERETICS
Chapter 18 THE DISSENTERS
Chapter 19 CHURCH AND STATE
Chapter 20 THE NOBLESSE
Chapter 21 LANDED PROPRIETORS OF THE OLD SCHOOL
Chapter 22 PROPRIETORS OF THE MODERN SCHOOL
Chapter 23 SOCIAL CLASSES
Chapter 24 THE IMPERIAL ADMINISTRATION AND THE OFFICIALS
Chapter 25 MOSCOW AND THE SLAVOPHILS
Chapter 26 ST. PETERSBURG AND EUROPEAN INFLUENCE
Chapter 27 THE CRIMEAN WAR AND ITS CONSEQUENCES
Chapter 28 THE SERFS
Chapter 29 THE EMANCIPATION OF THE SERFS
Chapter 30 THE LANDED PROPRIETORS SINCE THE EMANCIPATION
Chapter 31 THE EMANCIPATED PEASANTRY
Chapter 32 THE ZEMSTVO AND THE LOCAL SELF-GOVERNMENT
Chapter 33 THE NEW LAW COURTS
Chapter 34 REVOLUTIONARY NIHILISM AND THE REACTION
Chapter 35 SOCIALIST PROPAGANDA, REVOLUTIONARY AGITATION, AND TERRORISM
Chapter 36 INDUSTRIAL PROGRESS AND THE PROLETARIAT
Chapter 37 THE REVOLUTIONARY MOVEMENT IN ITS LATEST PHASE
Chapter 38 TERRITORIAL EXPANSION AND FOREIGN POLICY
Chapter 39 THE PRESENT SITUATION
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