TIO

F CONF

on has often been put to me by Chinese. It marks the ignor

r] His

the descendants of Confucius. In the reign of K'ang-hsi, twenty-one centuries and a half after the death of the sage, they amounted to eleven thousand males. But their ancestry is carried ba

s celebrated by Confucius, Ana. XVIII. i, under the title of the viscount of Wei. Foreseeing the impending ruin of their family, Ch'i withdrew from the court; and subsequently he was invested by the emperor Ch'ang, the second of the house of Chau, with the principality of Sung

e dignity of 衍聖公 in the ninth year of Ch'ien- lung, A.D. 1744. The last duke, not the present, was visited in our own time by the late Dr. Williamson and Mr. Consul

his right to the dukedom in favour of Fang-sze, who put his uncle to death in B.C. 893, and became master of the State

o gave birth to K'ung-fu Chia [8], from whom the surname of K'ung took its rise. Five generations had now elapsed since the dukedom was held in the direct line of his ancestry, and it was according to the rule in such cases that the branch should cease its connexion with the ducal stem, and merge among the people under a new surname. K'ung Chia was Master of the Horse in Sung, and an officer of well-known loyalty and probity. Unfortunately fo

iterate, and the latter being the more powerful of the two, Chia's great-grandson withdrew into the State

佛父

al.

ich seems to have been used in those

in the same way

武,

Chiang Yung's (工永) Life of Confuci

孔父

殤

1

ring bravery. In the year B.C. 562, when serving at the siege of a place called Peh-yang [4], a party of the assailants made their way in at a gate which had purposely been left open, and no sooner were they inside

, nor was there one among his ancestors during the rule of Chau to whom he could not refer with satisfaction. They had been ministers and soldi

eh's old age. The soldier had married in

h to his first public e

mily, the youngest being named Chang-tsai [7]. Their father said to them, 'Here is the commandant of Tsau. His father and grandfather were only scholars, but his ancestors before them were descendants of the sage sovereigns. He is a man ten feet high [8], and of extraordinary prowess, and I am very desirous of his alliance. Though

叔梁

皮,

oot, Ana. VIII. vi, but the point needs a more

of the duke Hsiang, of Lu, being the twentieth year of the emperor Ling, B.C. 552 [2]. The birth-place was in the district of Tsau [3], of which Heh was the governor. It was somewhe

canty. When he was in his third year his father died. It is rel

her pregnancy, she fell into a dreamy state, and saw five old men in the hall, who called themselves the essences of the five planets, and led an animal which looked like a small cow with one horn, and was covered with scales like a dragon. This creature knelt before Chang-tsai, and cast forth from its mouth a slip of jade, on which was the inscription,-- 'The son of the essence of water shall succeed to the decaying Chau, and be a throneless king.' Chang-tsai tied a piece of embroidered ribbon about its horn, and the vision disappeared. When Heh was told of it, he said, 'The creature must be the Ch'i-lin.' As her time drew near, Chang-tsai asked her husband if there was any place in the neighborhood called 'the hollow mulberry tree.' He told her there was a dry cave in the south hill, which went by that name. Then she said, 'I will go and be confined there.' Her husband was surprised

e Annals of the Empire' (歷代統紀表), published with imperial sanction in the reign of Chia-ch'ing. (To this latter work I have generally referred for my dates.) The year assigned in the text above rest

ritten 郰, 鄹

as P'ing-chung belonged to the State of Ch'i. He tells us himself that at fifteen he bent his mind to learning [2]; but the condition of the family was one of poverty. At a subsequent period, when peop

s favour, that he called his son Li (The Carp), and afterwards gave him the designation of Po-yu [5] (Fish Primus). No mention is made of the birth of any other children, though we know, from Ana. V. i, that he had at least one daughter. We know also, from an inscript

adduces these employments in illustration of his doctrine that the superior man may at times take office on account of his poverty, but must confine himself in such a case to places of small emolument, and aim at nothing but the discharge of t

晏平

a. I

a. I

宋之幵

鯉, 而

Ch'ien says 嘗為季氏吏, but his subsequent wor

office 乘田, while Sz

ld by Confucius in the direct employment of the State, or as a dependent of the Chi family in whose

a public teacher, and his house became a resort for young and in

labors as a teacher. The dea

and some degree of capacity. 'I do not open up the truth,' he said, 'to one who is not eager to get knowledge, nor help out any one who is not anxious

eighborhood, who told him that the coffin had only just been put into the ground, as a temporary arrangement, and not regularly buried. On learning this, he carried his purpose into execution. Both coffins were conveyed to Fang, and put in the ground together, with no intervening space between them, as was the custom in some States. And now came a new perplexity. He said to himself, 'In old times, they had graves, but raised no tumulus over them. But I am a man, who belongs equally to th

, V. Pt.

. VII

. VII

s mother the regular period of three years,-- three years nominally, but in fact only twenty-seven months. Five days after the mourning was

raising a mound over the grave, and when the fresh earth gives way from a sudden rain, he is moved to tears, and seems to regret his innovation. This sets Confucius vividly before us,-- a man of the past as much as of the present, whose own natural feelings were liable to be hampered in their development by the traditions of antiquity which he considered sacred. It is important, however, to observe th

remained in Lu, but in what special capacity we do not

isits the court of Chau; and

re. In the year B.C. 525, the chief of the small State of T'an [3], made his appearance at the court of Lu, and discoursed in a wonderfu

; Pt. I. i. 6. See also the discussion of thos

II. Sect

under the seventh year

an, so that the chief fancied that he knew all about the abstruse subject on which he discoursed. Confucius

' firm, that is, in his convictions on the subjects of learning to which he had bent his mind fifteen years before. Five years more, however, were still to pass by, before the anticipation mentioned in the conclusion

hief officer, saying, 'A knowledge of propriety is the stem of a man. Without it he has no means of standing firm. I have heard that there is one K'ung Ch'iu, who is thoroughly versed in it. He is a descendant of sages, and though the line of his family was extinguished in Sung, among his ancestors there were Fu-fu Ho, who

oned a journey to T'an. The slightest historical intimation becomes a text with them, on which they enlarge to the glory of the sage. Amiot has reproduced and

rt 辯樂解; but the account there given is not more

a. I

st official employments, and Chu Hsi and most other writers follow him. It is a great

named Nan-kung Chang-shu [4], became disciples of Confucius. Their wealth and standing in the State gave him a position which he had not had before, and he told Chang-shu of a wish which he had to visit the court of Cha

here were thirteen principalities of greater note, and a large number of smaller dependencies. During the vigorous youth of the dynasty, the sovereign or lord paramount exercised an effective control over the various chiefs, but with the lapse of time there came weakness and decay. The chiefs -- corresponding somewhat to the European dukes, earls, marquises, barons, &c. -- quarrelled and warred among themselves, and the stronger among them barely acknowledged their subjection to the sovereign. A si

ad no intercourse wit

左氏傳,

孟懿

南宮

. It is difficult to understand this, if Chang-shu w

B.C. 5

n points of funeral ceremonies, and in the 'Narratives of the School,' Book XXIV, he tells Chi K'ang what he had heard from him about 'The Five Tis,' but we may hope their conversation turned also on more important subjects. Sze-ma Ch'ien, favourable to Lao-tsze, makes him lecture his visitor in the following style:-- 'Those whom you talk about are dead, and their bones are moldered to dust; only their words remain. When the superior man gets his time, he mounts aloft; but when the time is against him, he moves as if his feet were entangled. I have heard that a good merchant, though he has rich treasures deeply stored, appears as if he were poor

nspected the pattern of the Hall of Light, built to give audience in to the princes of the kingdom; and

ous epithet of this individual, whose surname was

逸態

rks attributed to Lao-tsze in the accoun

as also a picture of the duke of Chau sitting with his infant nephew, the king Ch'ang, upon his knees, to give audience to all the princes. Confucius surveyed the scene with silent delight, and then said to his followers, 'Here you see how Chau became so great. As we use a glass to examine the forms of things, so must we study antiquity in order to understand

cteristics of Hwang-ti. His arms are long, his back is like a tortoise, and he is nine feet six inches in height,-- the very semblance of T'ang the Completer. When he speaks, he praises the ancient kings.

ntinued his work of teaching. His fame was greatly increased; disciples came to him from different parts, till their number amounted to three thousand. Several of those who have come down to us as the most disting

the 家語, 卷二

ung from the 'Narrat

ing pupils; but the greater number must have had their proper avocations and ways of living, and

all connected irregularly with the ducal House, which had long kept the rulers in a condition of dependency. They

hi and returns to Lu the fo

onfucius also repaired, that he might avoid the prevailing disorder of his native State. Ch'i was then under the government of a ruler (in rank a marquis, but historically called duke) , afterwards styled Ching [2], who 'had a thousand teams, each of four horses, but on the day of his

e Tai mountain, there was a woman weeping and wailing by a grave. Confucius bent forward in his carriage, and after listening to her for some time, sent Tsze-lu to ask the cause of her grief. 'You weep, as if you had experienced sorrow upon sorrow,' said Tsze-lu. The woman replied,

cts, III. i

. XVI

same who was aft

Oppressive government is

for three months he did not know the taste of flesh. 'I did not think,' he said, 'that music could have been made so excellent as this [3].' The duke Ching was pleased with the conferences which he had with him [4], and proposed to assign to him the town of Lin-ch'iu, from the revenues of which he might deri

ked him what he would consider the first thing to be done if entrusted with the government of a State, Confucius answered, 'What is necessary is to rectify names [7].' The disciple thought the reply wide of the mark, but it was substantially the same with what he said to the m

n an economical use of the revenues; and being pleased, he resumed his purpose of retain

Li Chi, II. Sect. II. iii. 10, where the same incident is given,

e 說苑, 卷十

. VII

f the sovereign 釐, and a one-footed bird which appeared hopping and flapping its wings in Ch'i. They are pla

, 卷二

. XII

. XII

on all funeral ceremonies, give way to their grief, and will waste their property on great burials, so that they would only be injurious to the common manners. This Mr. K'ung has a thousand peculiarities. It would take generations to exhaust all that

monitor about him, and observed. 'I cannot treat him as I would the chief of the Chi family. I will treat him in a way between that accorded to the chief of the Chi, and that given to the chief of the Mang family.' Finally he

g period of about fifteen years without be

ns without office

e, and another member of the ducal House, known to us by the title of Ting [5], substituted in his place. The ruling authority of the principality became thus still more enfeebled than it had been before, and, o

e 史記, 孔子

. XVI

st observation to have been a

and for a portion of two years, in Ch'i. For the refutatio

the way. "Come, let me speak with you," said the officer. "Can he be called benevolent, who keeps his jewel in his bosom, and leaves his country to confusion?" Confucius replied, "No." "Can he be called wise, who is anxious to be engaged in public employment, and yet is constantly losing the opportunity of being so?" Confucius again said, "No." The other added, "The days and months are passing away; the years do not wait for us." Confucius said, "Right; I will go into office."' Chinese writers are eloquent in their praises of the sage for the combination of propriety, complaisance and firmness, which they see in his behavior in this m

different from what we have all heard?' asked one of the disciples once of Li. 'No,' said Li. 'He was standing alone once, when I was passing through the court below with ha

佛擾(史

ty, your character cannot be established." I have heard only these two things from him.' The disciple was delighted and observed, 'I asked one thing, and I have got thre

ern dignity is the quality which a father has to maintain upon his system. It is not to be without the element of kindness, but

hink, against the supposition that Confucius did put his wife away. When she died, at a period subsequent to the present, Li kept on weeping aloud for her after the period for such a demonstration of grief had expired, when Confucius sent a message to h

t period of Confucius'

holds office.

e resources of Yang Hu were exhausted, and he fled into Ch'i, so that the State was delivered from its greatest troubler, and the way was made more clear for Confuc

. XVI

i Chi, II.

a. X

n and Pauthier. My reading has not shown me that such was the case. In the notes to K'ang-hsi's edition of the 'Five Ching,' Li Chi, II S

attitude of rebellion, and held the city of Pi against the Chi family. Thence he sent a message to Confucius inviting him to join him, and the Sage seemed so inclined to go that his disciple Tsze-lu remonstrated with

oing so. Amid the general gravity of his intercourse with his followers, there gleam out a few instances of q

signed to the old and the young, and different burdens to the strong and the weak. Males and females kept apart from each other in the streets. A thing dropped on the road was not picked up. There was no fraudulent carving of vessels. Inner coffins were made

this the duke appointed him assistant-superintendent of Works [3], in which capacity he surveyed the lands of the State, and made many improvements in agriculture. From this he was qu

. XVI

, Bk

the Mang Family. We must understand that Confucius wa

大司

, Bk

part of Lu, and the meeting was professedly pacific. The two princes were to form a covenant of alliance. The principal officer on the part of Ch'i, however, despising Confucius as 'a man of ceremonies, without courage,' had advised his sovereign to make the duke of Lu a prisoner, and for this purpose a band of the half-savage original inhabitants of the place advanced with weapons to the stage where the two dukes were met. Confucius understood the scheme, and said to the opposite party, 'Our two princes are met for a pacific object. For you to bring a band of savage vassals to disturb the meeting with their weapons, is not the way in which Ch'i can expect to give law to the princes of the kingdom. These barbarians have nothing to do with our Great Flowery land. Such vassals may not interfere with our cov

傳,

, Bk

安府,

this way the two parties separated, they of Ch'i filled with shame at being foiled and disgraced by 'the man

plan, Confucius's object being to enlist general sympathy, and carry the public judgment with him in his administration of justice. A father having brought some charge against his son, Confucius kept them both in prison for three months, without making any difference in favour of the father, and then wished to dismiss them both. The head of the Chi was dissatisfied, and said, 'You are playing with me, Sir minister of Crime. Formerly you told me that in a State or a family filial duty

ard the plans of their master. One great cause of disorder in the State was the fortified cities held by the three chiefs, in which they could defy the su

ien, the 'Narratives of the school,' and Ku-liang,

相 only in the sense of an assistant of ceremonie

he 家語,

f persuasion, and partly by the assisting counsels of Tsze-lu, he accomplished his objec

he private Families. He exalted the sovereign, and depressed the ministers. A transforming government went abroad. Dishonesty and dissoluteness were ashamed and hid their heads. Loyalty and good faith became t

first try to separate between the sage and his sovereign, and to effect this, they hit upon the following scheme. Eighty beautiful girls, with musical and dancing accomplishments, and a hundred and twenty of the finest horses that could be found, were selected, and sent as a present to duke Ting. They were put up at first outside the city, and Chi Hwan having gone in disguise to see them, forgot the lessons of Co

crupulous and insidious officer the Shaou chang, Maou (少正卯). His judgment and death occupy a conspicuous place in the legendary accounts. But the Analects,

he 家語,

quoted by C

not sent round to the various ministers, according to the established custom. Confucius regretfully took his departure, going away slowly and by easy stages [1

estward to the State of Wei, situate about where t

rs from State to S

depressed and melancholy. As he went along, h

I still look

i hill cuts

'd hew the thi

ainst the hill I

agai

valley howl

in falls thi

es the yout

ld, crowds

t, O azu

me I thus

land my wa

rtain dwel

k; the mi

in comes to

n my term

esolate, a

from the sage, he tried to comfort the disciples, saying, 'My friends, why are you distressed at your master's loss of office? The world has been long without the principles of truth

e also Mencius, V. P

ng's Life of Co

. III

n left it to go to Ch'an [4]. On the way he had to pass by K'wang [5], a place probably in the present department of K'ai-fung in Ho-nan, which had formerly suffered from Yang-hu. It so happened that Confucius resembled Hu, and the attention of the people being called to him by the movements of his carriage-driver, they thought it was their old enemy, and made an attack upon him. His followers were alarmed, but he was calm, and tried to assure them by declaring his belief that h

ive them as a contribution to the expenses of the occasion. 'You never did such a thing,' Tsze-kung remonstrated, 'at the funeral of any of your disciples; is it not too great a gift on this occasion of the death of an old host?' 'When I went in,' replie

encius, V. P

靈

e 史記, 孔子

.

e is another reference to this time,

Chi, II. Se

lects [1]. But this time he did not r

ar] B.

company with such a woman, and Confucius, to assure him, swore an oath, saying, 'Wherein I have done improperly, may Heaven reject me! May Heaven reject me [3]!' He could not well abide, however, about such a court. One day the duke rode out through the streets of his capital in the same carriage with Nan-tsze, and made Confucius fo

tising ceremonies with his disciples, we are told, under the shade of a large tree. Hwan T'ui, an ill-minded officer of Sung, heard of it, and sent a band of men to pull down the tree, and kill the philosopher, if they could get hold of him. The disciples were much alarmed, but Confucius observed, 'Heaven has produced the virtue that is in me; what can Hwan T'ui do to me [6]?' They all made their escape, but seem to

IV. xxvi

ount in the 史

. VI.

. IX.

. IX.

, and repeated to his great amusement the description which the man had given. 'The bodily appearance,' said Confucius, 'is but a small matter,

the city wall, an officer of worth, of the name of Chang [2], an

e he could get away, he was obliged to engage that he would not proceed thither. Thither, notwithstanding, he continued his route, and when Tsze-kung asked him whether it was right to violate the oath he had taken, he replied, 'It was a forced oath. The spirits do not hear such [6].' 'The duke Ling received him

Ho-nan. An invitation came to Confucius, like that which he had formerly received from Kung-shan Fu-zao. Pi Hsi, an officer of Tsin, who was holding the town of Chung-mau a

e 史記, 孔子

encius, V. Pt

bone found in the State of Yueh, and a bird which appeared in Ch'ia and d

ratives of the School.' I would fain believe it is not true. The wo

a. X

be said?' Confucius replied, 'Yes, I did use those words. But is it not said that if a thing be really hard, it may be ground without being made thin; and i

sin, he heard of the violent death of two men of worth, and returned to Wei, lamenting the fate which prevented him from crossing the stream, and trying to solace himself with poetry as

the chief of the Chi family, died in this year. On his death-bed, he felt remorse for his conduct to Confucius, and charged his successor, known to us in the Analects as Chi K'ang, to recall the sage; but the charge was not immediately fulfilled. Chi K'an

ces of Hu-nan and Hu-pei. On the way, between Ch'an and Ts'ai, their provisions became exhausted, and they were cut off somehow from obtaining a fresh supply. The disciples were quite overc

. XVI

nfucius, on the report of a fire in Lu, telling

a. V

us retained his equanimity, and was even cheerful, playing on his lute and singing [2]. He retained, however, a strong impression of the perils of the season, and

k of him, but the disciple did not venture a reply. When Confucius heard of it, he said to Tsze-lu. 'Why did you not say to him:-- He is simply a man who in his eager pursuit of knowledge forgets his food, who in the joy of its attainment forgets his sorrows, and who does not perceive that old

field. They were recluses, men who had withdrawn from public life in disgust at the waywardness of the times. One of them was called Ch'ang-tsu, and instead of giving Tsze-lu the information

r?' He replied, 'I am Chung Yu.' 'Chung Yu, who is the disciple of K'ung Ch'iu of Lu?' 'Yes,' again repl

XV. i

卷二, 在危

a. X

VII.

. XII

the seed, and gave no more heed to the stranger. Tsze-lu went back and reported what they had said, when Confucius vindicated his own course, saying. 'It is impossible to associate with birds and beasts as if they

, singing out, 'O phoenix, O phoenix, how is your virtue degenerated! As to the past, reproof is useless, but the future may be provided ag

opher with a considerable territory, but was dissuaded by his prime minister, who said to him, 'Has your majesty any officer who could discharge the duties of an ambassador like Tsze-kung? or any one so qualified for a premier as Yen Hui? or any one to compare as a general with Tsze-lu? The kings Wan and Wu, from their hereditary dominio

ed four years before

ar] B.

us by the title of Ch'u [5], was his grandson, and was hol

. XVI

a XV

陽府宜

e 史記, 孔子

pport of Confucius, and hence when he got to Wei, Tsze-lu could say to him, 'The prince of Wei has been waiting for you, in order with you to administer the government;-- what will you consider the first thing to be done [1]?' The opinion of the philosopher, however, was against the propriety of the duke's course [2], and he declined taking office with him, though he remained in Wei for between f

e disciple Yen Yu, who, we have seen, went

return to Lu to his

He replied that he had learned it from Confucius, and entered into a glowing eulogy of the philosopher. The chief declared that he would bring Confucius home again to Lu. 'If you do so,' said the discipl

o succeeded to Ting, and according to K'ung Fu, Confucius's desce

as to the time when Tsze-lu made this remark. It seems more correct, however,

. VII

cal difficulty connected with the dates assigned respectively to the deaths of Y

the 史記

g Yung's me

been consulted a little before by K'ung Wan [1], an officer of Wei, about how he should conduct a feud with another officer, and disgusted at being referred to on such a subject, had ordered his carriage and prepared to leave the

but he no longer had weight in the guidance of state affairs, and wisely addressed himself to the completion of his literary labors. He wrote a preface, according to Sze-ma Ch'ien, to the Shu-ching; carefully digested the rites and ceremonies determined by the wisdom of the more ancient sages and kings; collected and arranged the ancient poetry; and undertook the reform of music [4]. He has told us himself. 'I returned from Wei to Lu, and then the music was reformed, and the pieces in the Songs of the Kingdom and Praise Songs foun

is mentioned in th

the 左傳

. II.

e 史記, 孔子

. IX.

. VII

by the agency of Yen, on which occasion, I suppose, it was that Confucius said to the other disciples, 'He is no disciple of mine; my little children, beat the drum and assail him [1].' The year B.C. 483 was marked by the

called to look at it. He at once knew it to be a lin, and the legend-writers say that it bore on one of its horns the piece of ribbon, which his mother had attached to the one that appeared to her before his birt

it was so. In it, from the standpoint of Lu, he briefly indicates the principal events occurring throughout the country, every term being expressive, it is said, of the true character of the actors and events described. Confucius said himself, 'It is the Spring and Autumn which will make men know me, and

this year, word cam

. XI.

州府嘉

ng-yang, however, the lin was

III. Pt.

III. Pt. I

nish him.' The duke pleaded his incapacity, urging that Lu was weak compared with Ch'i, but Confucius replied, 'One half the people of Ch'i are not consenting to the deed. If you add to the people of Lu one half the people of Ch'i, you are sure to overcome.' But he could not infuse his spirit i

s evidently a strong sympathy between them. Tsze- lu uses a freedom with him on which none of the other disciples dares to venture, and there is not one among them all, for whom, if I may speak from my own feeling, the foreign student comes to form such a liking. A pleasant picture is presented to us in one

rose. News came to Lu, B.C. 479, that a revolution was in progress in Wei, and when Confucius heard it, he said, 'Ch'ai will come here, but Yu will

哀公十四年 and Anal

. XI.

e Kao (高), and

the 左傳

off. It took place on the eleventh day of the fourth month in the same year, B.C. 479 [1]. Early one morning, we are

mountain mu

g beam mu

an wither away

o him, 'Ts'ze, what makes you so late? According to the statutes of Hsia, the corpse was dressed and coffined at the top of the eastern steps, treating the dead as if he were still the host. Under the Yin, the ceremony was performed between the two pillars, as if the dead were both host and guest. The rule of Chau is to perform it at the top of the

m had not received his teachings. No wife nor child was by to do the kindly offices of affection for him. Nor were the expectations of another life present with him as he passed through the dark valley. He uttered no prayer, and he b

and Chiang Yung's Lif

Chi, II, Se

gainst him and he passed; his countena

ght satisfy the general reader, would be of special assistance to the careful student of the classical Books. I had taken many notes of the manifest errors in regard to chronology and other matters in the 'Narratives of the School,' and the chapter of Sze-ma Ch'ien on the K'ung family, when the digest of Chiang Yung, to which I

yet done, to bring this statement within the range of credibility. The legends assign to his figure 'nine-and-forty remarkable peculiarities [1],' a tenth part of which would have made him more a monster than a man. Dr. Morrison says that the images of him which he had seen in the northern parts of China, represent him as of a dark, swarthy colour [2]. It is not so with those common in the so

四十

ns seeing a figure of Confucius, in a temple near the Po-yang lake, o

, whether in the village, the temple, or the court, he was the man of rule and ceremony, but 'at home he was not formal.' Yet if not formal, he was particular. In bed even he did not forget himself;-- 'he did not lie like a corpse,' and 'he did n

he was not a great eater.' 'It was only in drink that he laid down no limit to himself, but he did not allow himself to be confused by it.' 'When the villagers were drinking together, on those who carried staffs going out, he went ou

on in mourning, he would also change countenance, and if he happened to be in his carriage, he would bend forward with a respectful salutation.' 'His general way in his carriage was not to turn his head roun

ent or of rest, was closely associated with the great principles which it was his object to inculcate. The detail of so many smal

TIO

ENCE AND

ning that of all the princes of the king

red to Confucius by th

s not left to me the aged man. There is none now to assist me on the throne. Woe is me! Alas! O venerable Ni [1]!' Tsze-kung complained of the inconsistency of this lamentation from one who could not use t

antiquity, show how the authority of Confucius had come by that time to prevail through the nation. The founder of the Han dynasty, in passing through Lu, B.C. 195, visited his tomb and offered the three victims in sacrifice to him. Other sovereigns since then have often made pilgrimages to the spot. The most f

l authority. The emperor Ping [3] then styled him-- 'The duke Ni, all-complete and l Li Chi, II. Sect. I.

cius. I am indebted to this for mos

he Man-chau dynasty, adopted, in his second year, A.D. 1645, the style, 'K'ung, the ancient Teacher, accomplished and illustrious, all- complete, the perfect Sage [4

ghout the empire. In those sacrifices he was for some centuries associated with the duke of Chau, the legislator to whom Confucius made frequent reference, but in A.D. 609 separate temples were assigned to them, and in 628 our sage di

offerings of fruits and vegetables are set forth, and on the fifteenth there is a solemn burning of incense. But twice a year, in the middle months of spring and autumn, when the first ting day [6] of the month comes round, the worship of Confucius is performed with peculiar solemnity. At the imperial college the emperor himself is required to attend in state, and is in fact the principal p

成宣

文聖

聖, 文宣

至聖

Reverently have the sacrificial vessels been set o

acher, the perfect Sage, and say,-- O Teacher, in virtue equal to Heaven and Earth, whose doctrines embrace the past time and the present, thou didst digest and transmit the six classics, and didst hand down lessons for all generations! Now in this second month of spring (or autumn), in reverent observance of the old statutes, w

render to Confucius. It could not be more complete. He was unreasona

this matter, but in entire sympathy with th

ral appreciati

hem away [3].' When he pronounced this judgment, he was not thinking of military training, but of education in the duties of life and citizenship. A people so taught, he thought, would be morally fitted to fight for their government. Mencius, when lecturing to the ruler of

e the

. XII

III. Pt. I

-- good so far as the competition is concerned, but injurious from the restricted range of subjects with which an acquaintance is required,-- have obtained for more than twelve centuries. The classical works are the text books. It is from them almost exclusively that the themes proposed to determin

, and every pupil is required, on coming to school on the morning of the first and fifteenth of every month, to bow before it, the first thing, as an act of reverence [1]. Thus all in China who receive the slightest tincture of learning do so at the fountain of Confucius. They learn of him and do homage to him at once. I have repeatedly quoted the statement that during his life-time he had three thousand d

re to be ascribed, I conceive, chiefly to two

considerable extent displaced that of Confucius in schools. Yet the worship of h

ese, vol.

quity, and the exempl

e causes of

tional and the personal are thus blended in him, each in its highest degree of excellence. He was a Chinese of the Chinese;

fucius's own estimate of himself and of his

stimate of himself

of the superior man, carrying out in his conduct what he professes, is what I have not yet attained to.' 'The leaving virtue without proper cultivation; the not thoroughly discussing what is learned; not being able to move towards righteousness of which a knowledge is gained; and not being able to change what is

r, which he saw, or fancied that he saw, in the ancient sages whom he acknowledged; and the lessons of government and morals which he labored to diffuse were those which had already been inculcated and exhibited by them. Emphatically he was 'a transmitter and not a mak

e seventh Book of the Analects. See ch

great Yu from again arising, and a condition of happy tranqu

ar in K'wang, he said, "After the death of king Wan, was not the cause of truth lodged here in me? If Heaven had wished to let this cause of truth perish, then I, a future mortal, should not have got such a relation to that cause. While Heaven does not let the cause of truth perish, what can the people of K'wang do to me [2]?"' Confucius, then, did feel that he was in the world for a special purpose. But it was not to announce any new truths, or to initiate an

fucius by his disciples and their early follow

im by his disciples and

m the philosopher went in and out. We have the language of Yen Yuan, his favourite, which is comparatively moderate, and simply expresses the genuine admiration of a devoted pupil [3]. Tsze-kung on several occasions spo

a. I

. IX.

a. I

oms high. If one do not find the door and enter by it, he cannot see the rich ancestral temple with its beauties, nor all the officers in

nts and virtue of other men are hillocks and mounds which may be stepped over. Chung-ni is the sun or moon, which it is not possible to step over. Altho

aster cannot be attained to, just in the same way as the heavens cannot be gone up to by the steps of a stair. Were our master in the position of the prince of a State, or the chief of a Family, we should find verified the description which has been given of a sage's rule:-- He would plant the people, and forthwith they would be established

al of Heaven.' And Mencius took up the theme. Being questioned by Kung-sun Ch'au, one of his disciples, about two acknowledged sages, Po-i and I Yin, whether they were to

XIX.

. XIX

. XIX

l now, there has never been another like our master.' Yu Zo said, 'Is it only among men that it is so? There is the ch'i-lin among quadrupeds; the fung-hwang among birds; the T'ai mountain among mounds and ant-hills; and rivers and seas among rainpools. Though different in degree, they are the same in kind. So the sages among mankind are also the same in kind. But they stand out from their fellows, and rise above the level; and from the birth of mankind till now, there never has been one so complete as Confucius [1].' I will not indulge in farther illustration. The judgmen

s of the human condition and destiny. He did not speculate on the creation of things or the end of them. He was not troubled to

ot treat.-- That he was unreligious, unspir

ects of his teaching is the following:-- 'Hi

II. Pt. I

rstood to make it with come reservation. Six years ago, I spent all my leisure time for twelve months in the study of that Work, and

ht letters, ethics, devotion of soul, and truthfulness.' 'Extraordinary things; feats of

eat extent his misfortune. He had not learned them. No report of them had come to him by the ear; no vision of

erent, we might have had expositions of the ancient views on some points, the effect of which would have been more beneficial than the indefiniteness in which they are now left, and it may be doubted

g, ruling in heaven and on earth, the author of man's moral nature, the governor among the nations, by whom kings reign and princes decree justice, the rewarder of the good, and the punisher of the bad. Confucius preferred to speak of Heaven. Instances have already been given

think that what I here say of Confucius will require much, if any, modification.' So I wrote in 1861; and I at last accomplished a translation of the Yi, which was published in 1882, as the sixteenth volume of 'The Sacred Books of '

I. xvii;

, pp. 18, 19, with his reference in a note to a passa

. III

ld say that he was unreligious rather than irreligious; yet by the coldness of his temperament and intellect in this matter, his influence is unfavourable to the development of ardent reli

it thought that with the cessation of this life on earth there was a cessation also of all conscious being. But Confucius never spoke explicitly on this subject. He tried to evade it. 'Chi Lu asked about serving the spirits of the dead, and the master said, "While you are not able to serve men, how can you serve their spirits?" The disciple added, "I venture to ask about death," and he was answered, "While you do not know life, how can you know about death [3]."' Still more striking is a conversation with another disciple, recorded in the 'Narratives of the School.' Tsze-kung asked him, saying, 'Do the dead

XIV.

. III

a. X

rt. 致思, tow

give one's self earnestly,' said he, 'to the duties due to men, and, while respecting spiritual beings, to keep aloof from them, may be called wisdom [2].' At any rate, as by his frequent references to Heaven, instead of following the phraseology of the older sages, he gave occasion to many of his professed followers to identify God with a principl

ed [3], and many sayings might be quoted from him, in which 'sincerity' is celebrated as highly and demanded as stringently as ever it has been by any Christian moralist; yet he was not altogether the truthful and true man to whom we accord our highest approbation. There was the case of Mang Chih-fan, who boldly brought up the rear of the defeated troops of Lu, and attributed his occupying the place of honour to the backwardness of his horse. The action was gallant, but th

VII.

a. V

r the beginning

. VI.

XVII

ave, a very injurious influence upon them. Foreigners charge a habit of deceitfulness upon the nation and its government;-- on the justice or injustice of this charge I say nothing. For every word of falsehood and every act of insincerity, the guilty party must b

ghtened policy, may do much to build up and preserve a family and a state, but it requires more to maintain the love of truth, and make a lie, spoken or acted, to be shrunk from with shame. It requires in fact the living recogni

ius's views on government, or what we may

is views on

tranquillity [2],' was the grand object which he delighted to think of; that it might be brought about as easily as 'one can look upon the palm of his hand,' was the dream which it pleased him to indulge [3]. He held that there was in men an adaptat

iah i

he 大學, 經, pa

III. xi

rrents of rain, and the grain erects itself as if by a shoot. When it does so, who can keep it back [2]?' Such, he contended, would be the response of the mass of the people to any true 'shepherd of men.' It may be deemed unnecessary that I should specify this point, for it is a truth applicable to the people of all nations. Speaking generally, government is by no device or cunning craftiness; human nature demands it. But in no other fami

se relations. They are the appointment of Heaven. And each relation has its reciprocal obligations, the recognition of which is proper to the Heaven-conferred nature. It only needs that the sacredness of the relations be maintained, and the duties belonging to them faithfully discharged, and the 'happy tranquillity' will prevail all under heaven. As to the institutions

, xx

, I. Pt.

, xx

decays and ceases [1].' To the same effect was the reply which he gave to Yen Hui when asked by him how the government of a State should be administered. It seems very wide of the mark, until we read it in the light of the sage's veneration for ancient ordinance

tween husband and wife attention to their separate functions; between old and young, a proper order; and between friends, fidelity [3].' Confucius, I apprehend, would hardly have accepted this account. It does not bring out sufficiently the authority which he claimed for the father and the sovereign, and the obedience which he exacted from the child and the minister. With regard to the relation of husband and wife, he was in no respect superior to the preceding sages who had enunciated their view

, xx

a. X

, III. Pt

萬物者也; 女子者, 順

n marriage:-- the daughter of a rebellious house; the daughter of a disorderly house; the daughter of a house which has produced criminals for more than one generation; the daughter of a leprous house; and the daughter who has lost her father and elder brother. A wife may be divorced for seven reasons, which, however, may be overruled by three considerations. The grounds for divorce are disobedience to her husband's parents; not giving birth to a son; dissolute conduct; jealousy-- (of her husband's attentions,

review of 'The Great Learning,' but it deserves some further exhibition, and there are three conversations with the chief Chi K'ang in which it is very expressly set forth. 'Chi K'ang asked about government, and Confucius replied, "To govern means to rectify. If you lead on the people with correctness

語卷三

vernment, why should you use killing at all? Let your evinced desires be for what is good, and the people will be good. The relation

s of the power of example in many departments of state than we ought to do. It is thought of too little in the army and the navy. We laugh at the 'self-denying ordinance,' and the 'new model' of 1644, but there lay beneath them the principle which Confucius so broadly propounded,-- the importance of personal virtue in all who are in authority. Now that Great Britain is the governing power o

ment and purification,' he said, 'with careful regulation of his dress, and the not making a movement contrary to the rules of propriety;-- this is the way for the ruler to cultivate his person [2].' This is laying too much stress on what is external; but even to at

I. xvii;

, xx

the confessions which he made of his own shortcomings. It seems strange that it never came distinctly before him, that there is a

among them most distinguished for intelligence becomes chief ruler, and ought to prove himself the parent of the people [1].' And again, 'Heaven, protecting the inferior people, has constituted for them rulers and teachers, who should be able to be assisting to God, extending favour and producing tranquillity throughout all parts of the kingdom [2].' The moment the ruler ceases to be a minister of God for good, and does not administer a government that is beneficial to the people, he for

ther of a family, the chief of a clan, and even the head of a small principality. But his views want the comprehension which would make them of much service in a great dominion. Within three centuries after his death,

u-ching, V. i.

all along been trying to carry the nation back. Principles have been needed, and not 'proprieties.' The consequence is that China has increased beyond its ancient dimensions, while there

her time, disgusted with the want of appreciation which he experienced, he was expressing his intention to go and live among the nine wild tribes of the east. Some one said, 'They are rude. How can you do such a thing?' His reply was, 'If a superior man dwelt among them, what rudeness would there be [5]?' But had he been a ruler-sage, he would not only have influenced them by his instructions, but brought them to acknowledge and submit to his sway, as the great Yu did [6]. The only passage of Confucius's teachings from which any rule can be gathered for dealing with foreigners is that in the 'Doctrine

Ana. I

; pa

a. I

. IX.

I. ii. 1

柔遠

s own understanding of it. But when their governments interfered, and claimed to treat with that of China on terms of equality, and that their subjects should be spoke

asure sufficient for the people while they dwelt apart from the rest of mankind. His practical lessons were better than if they had been left, which but for him they probably would have been, to fall a prey to the influences of Taoism and Buddhism, b

events, it could hardly be but that the collision should come; and when it did come it could not be but that China should be broken and scattered. Disorganization will go on to destroy it more and more, and yet there is hope for the people, with their veneration for the relations of society, with their devotion t

nowledge of character; but as they are contained in the body of the Work, I will not occupy the space here w

or perfect virtue, has several

'The Great Learning' and 'The Doctrine of the Mean.' I would be far from grudging a tribute of admiration to Confucius for it. The maxim occurs also twice in the Analects. In Book XV. xxiii, Tsze-kung asks if there be one word which may serve as a rule of practice for all one's life, and is answered, 'Is not reciprocity such a word? What you do not want done to yourself do not do to others.' The same disciple appears

conduct of others to themselves. The lesson of Confucius only forbids men to do what they feel to be wrong and hurtful. So far as the point of priority is concerned, moreover, Christ adds, 'This is the law and the prophets.' The maxim was to be found substantially in the earlier revelations of God. Still it must be allowed that Confucius was well aware of the importance of taking the initi

f China, vo

e; in the management of business, to be reverently attentive; in intercourse with others, to be strictly sincere. Though a man go among the rude uncultivated tribes, these qualities may not be neglected [1].' Still Confucius delivered his rule to his countrymen only

ess with kindness [2].' The same deliverance is given in one of the Books of the Li Chi, where he adds that 'he who recompenses injury with kindness is a man who is careful of his person [3].' Chang Hsuan, the commentator of the second century, says that such a course would be 'incorrect in point of propriety

asking only about trivial matters, which might be dealt with in the way he mentioned, while great offences, such as those against a sovereign or a father, could not be dealt with by such an inversion of the principles of justice [5]. In th

. XII

XIV.

表記, pa

非禮

es in loc

bject, took no notice of it, but affirmed the duty of blood-revenge in the strongest and most unrestricted terms. His disciple Tsze-hsia asked him, 'What course is to be pursued in the case of the murder of a father or mother?' He replied, 'The son must sleep upon a matting of grass, with his shield for his pillow; he must decline to take office; he must not live under the same heaven with the slayer. When he meets him in the marketplace or the court, he must have his weapon ready to strike him.' 'And

t to the Chinese. I have spoken of their readiness to submit to government, and wish to live in peace, yet they do not like to resign even to government the 'inquisition for blood.' W

he more highly have I come to regard him. He was a very great man, and his influence has been on the whole a great benefit

Sect. I.

之十四, pp

Pt. ii. 24. See a

ese, vol.

ION

DIATE DI

enty-two worthies. I propose to give here a list of all those whose names have come down to us, as being his followers. Of the greater number it will be seen that we know nothing more than their names and surnames. My principal authorities will be the 'Historical Records,' the 'Narratives of the School,' 'Th

ell him their different aims, and he would choose between them. Tsze-lu began, and when he had done, the master said, 'It marks your bravery.' Tsze-kung followed, on whose words the judgment was, 'They show your discriminating eloquence.' At last came Yen Yuan, who said, 'I should like to find an intelligent king and sage ruler whom I might assist. I would diffuse among the people instr

身通者, 七十有七

portunity to display his bravery, or Ts'ze to display his or

hich he now has in the sacrificial Canon,-- 'Continuator of the Sage,' was conferred in the ninth year of the emperor, or, to speak more correctly, of the period, Chia-ching, A. D

we are told, he had a starved look [2], which was by-and-by exchanged for one of fulness and satisfaction [3]. Tsze-kung asked him how the change had come about. He replied, 'I came from the midst of my reeds and sedges into the school of the master. He trained my mind to filial piety, and set be

of the 十二哲, or 'twelve Wise Ones,' those of his disciples, who, next to the 'Assessors,' are counted worthy of honour. Outside this apartment, and running in a line with the two 序, but along the external wall of the sacred inclosure, are the two 廡, or side-galleries, which I have sometimes called the ranges of the outer court. In each there are sixty-four tablets of the disciples

芻豢

more to me than the dust of the ground. It is on this account that I have that look of fulness and satisfaction.' Tsze- ch'ien was high in Confucius's esteem. He was distinguished for his purity and filial affection. His place in the temple is the first, east, among 'The Wise Ones,' immediately after the four assessors. H

ven years. When Confucius became minister of Crime, he appointed Po-niu to the office, which he had hims

s younger than Confucius. He had a bad father, but the master declared that was not to be counted t

ung said of him, 'Respectful to the old, and kind to the young; attentive to guests and visitors; fond of learning and skilled in many arts; diligent in his examination of things:-- these are what

hi-lu (仲由, 字子路, 又字季路). He was a n

ll, which is straight itself without being bent. If you cut it down and use it, you can send it through a rhinoceros's hide;-- what is the use of learning?' 'Yes,' said the master; 'but if you feather it and point it with steel, will it not penetrate more deeply?' Tsze-lu bowed ' twice, and said, 'I will reverently receive your instructions.' Confucius

out, and can find his joy in himself when that is not the case. Now right principles and virtue are as it were in a state of slumber. His wish is to rouse and put them in motion. Could he find a prince really anxious to rule according to them, he would walk on foot to his court and be glad to do so. Why need he receive such a valuable gift, as this from so great a distance?' Confucius c

端木賜, 字子貢 [al. 子贛]), whose place is n

hap. 7, though come have doubted the genuin

all my life had the heaven over my head, but I do not know its height, and the earth under my feet, but I do not know its thickness. In my serving of Confucius, I am like a thirsty man who goes with his pitcher to the river, and there he drinks his fill, without knowing the river's depth.' He took leave of Confucius to become commandant of Hsin-yang (信陽宰), when the master said to him, 'In dealing with your subordinates, there is nothing like impartiality; and when wealth comes in your way, there is nothing like moderation. Hold fast these two things, and do not s

transformed the character of the people by 'proprieties' and music, and was praised by the master. After the death of Confucius, Chi K'ang asked Yen how that event had made no sensation like that which was made by the death of Tsze-ch'an, when the me

herever the water in its overflow reaches, men take kno

C. 406, at the court of the prince Wan of Wei ( 魏), to whom he gave copies of some of the classical Books. He is represented as a scholar extensively read and exact, but without great comprehension of mind. What is called Mao's Shih-ching (毛詩) i

ot to boast of his admirable merit; not to signify joy on account of noble station; neither insolent nor indolent; showing no pride to the dependent:-- these are the characteristics of Chwan-sun Shih.' When he was

a name of greater note in the Confucian school. Tsze-kung said of him, 'There is no subject which he has not studied. His appearance is respectful. His virtue is solid. His words command credence. Before great men he draws himself up in the pride of self-respect. His eyebrows are those of l

III. Sect. II. He was first associated with the sacrifices to Confucius in A.D. 668, but in 1267 he was advanced to be one of the sage's four Asse

him. After completing his studies, he travelled to the south as far as the Yang-tsze. Traces of his presence in that part of the country are still pointed out in the department of Su-chau. He was followed by about three hundred disciples, to whom he laid down rules for their guidance in their intercourse with the princes. When Confuc

ars younger than Confucius. He was commandant of Tan-fu ( 單父宰), and hardly needed to put forth any personal effort. Wu-ma Ch'i had been in the same office, and had succeeded by dint of the greatest industry and toil. He aske

, 字子思) a native of Sung or according to Chang Hsuan, of Lu, and younger than Co

death of Confucius, he lived in obscurity in Wei. In the notes to Ana

[al. 芝], 字子長 [al. 子芝]), has his tablet next to that of Pu-ch'i. He was

was the same with Nan-kung Chang-shu, who accompanied Confucius to the court of Chau, or not. On occasion of a fire breaking out in the palace of duke Ai, while others were intent on securing

, or of Ch'i. Confucius commended him for refusing to take office with any of the Families which were encroaching on the authori

her of Tsang Shan. His place in the temples is the hall to

Yen Hui, younger than Confucius by six years. His sacrific

m, it is said, we are indebted for the preservation of the Yi-ching, which he received from Co

sze-kao and Chi-kao (高柴, 字子羔 [al. 季羔; for 羔 moreover, we fi

rth and ability. At one time he was criminal judge of Wei, and in the execution of his office condemned a prisoner to lose his feet. Afterwards that same man saved his

Tsze-hsiu (漆雕開 [pr. 啟], 字子開, 子若, and 子修脩), a native of Ts'ai (蔡), or according to Chang H

in the Analects, XIV. xxxiii, slandering Tsze-lu. It is do

o styled 黍耕. He was a great talker, a native of Sung, and a brother of H

i, or, according to others, of Lu, and whose age is given as thirty-six and forty-six years younge

ed to render the same observances to him which they had done to Confucius, but on Tsang Shan's demurring to the thing, they abandoned the purpose. The tablet of Tsze-zo is now the sixth, east among 'The Wise Ones,' to which place it was promoted in the third year of Ch'ien-lung of the present dy

disturbed by the introduction of the t

years, whose place is the fourth, west, in the outer court. He was noted for his knowledge of cere

sion, when Confucius was about to set out with a company of the disciples on a walk or journey, he told them to take umbrellas. They met with a heavy shower, and Wu-ma asked him, saying, 'There were no clouds in the morning; but after the sun had rise

When he was thirty, being disappointed that he had no son, he was minded to put away his wife. 'Do not do so,' said Shang Chu to him. 'I was thirty-eight before I had a son, and my mother was then about to take another wife for me, when the Master proposed sending me to Ch'i. My mother

辛, 柳, and 韋], 字子柳), occupies the place, east, after Wu-ma Shih. H

by Zan Zu, styled Tsze-lu [al. Tsze-tsa

n the source text; I have corre

Lu, and fifty years

o Hsu, styled Tsze-hsun (曹 卹, 字子循), a native

ent copies of the 'Narratives of the School,' Tsze-ch'iai (伯虔, 字子皙

than Confucius. We have the following account:-- 'Tsze-kung asked Tsze-shih, saying, "Have you not learned the Book of' Poetry?" Tsze-shih replied, "What leisure have I to do so? My parents requir

have some details. Their age and other particulars are found in the Books a

Tsze-ta] (冉季, 字子 產 [al. 季產 and 子達), a native of Lu

-chih (公祖勾茲 [or simply 茲], 字子之), a native of Lu.

字子南), a native of Ch'in. His tablet

ien (漆雕哆 [al. 侈], 字子斂), a native o

chool,' he was the same as Yen K'o (刻, or 剋), who drove the carriage when Con

(產), and style him Tsze-tsing (子

i, and Tsze-wan (漆雕徒父 [al. 從], 字子有 or 子友 [al. 子期 and 子文]), a

赤, 字 子徒 [al. 子從]), a native of Ch'in. Some consider Zang-sze (壤駟

(商澤, 字子季 [al. 子秀 ]), a native of Lu. His tabl

(石作 [al. 之 and 子], 蜀, 字子明). Some take Shih-tso (石作) a

不齊, 字選), a native of Ch'u, whose

ial Canon' says:-- 'Tsze-chang was a man of worth and bravery. When Confucius was surrounded and stopped in P'u, Tsze-chang fou

[al. Li-ch'ih] (后 [al. 石] 處 [al. 虔], 字子里 [al. 里之]),

he School,' and on this account his tablet was put out of the temples in the ninth year of Chia-tsing. It w

hang] (公夏首 [al. 守], 字乘 [and 子乘]), a native o

r simply Tien], styl

字子皙 [al. 子偕 and 子楷]), a native of We

[al. 堅] 定 [al. 公有], 字子仲 [al. 中 and 忠]). His nativity is a

ze-hsiang (顏祖 [al. 相], 字襄, and 子襄), a native o

ea (鄡單 [al. 鄔＊], 字子家), a native of Lu

ch'iang [al. Tsze-chieh and Tsze-mang] (句 [al. 勾 and 鉤] 井疆 [and s

so and Tsze-su] (罕 [al. 宰] 父黑, 字子黑 [al. 子索 and 子素]),

to Chang Hsuan, of Ch'u. He was forty years younger than Confucius. One authority, however, says he was only four years

儻) and Tsu (續), with the designation Tsze-tsu (子續 ). These are probably the same person mentioned in the Analects as Shin Ch'ang (申棖). Prior to the Ming dynasty t

ly Shu] (顏之僕, 字子叔 [or simply 叔]), a native

yen] (榮旂 [or 祈], 字子旗 or 子祺 [al. 子顏]), a na

he actual variant use

. Tsze-hung] (縣成, 字子棋 [al. 子橫]), a nat

and Tsze-hsing (左人郢 [or simply 郢], 字行 and 子行), a

] (燕伋 [or 級], 字恩 [al. 子思) a native o

derstood to be the same with the Hsieh Pang, styled Tsze-ts'ung (薛邦,

h (秦非, 字子之), a native of Lu, h

[al. ch'ang] (施之常, 字子恆 [al. 常]), a nati

(顏噲, 字子聲), a native of Lu. His ta

he School' we have an old form of 乘], 字子車), a native of Ch'i. So

ls him Yuan K'ang-chi, not mentioning any designation. The 'Narratives of th

shang (樂欬, [al. 欣], 字子聲), a native

e-ts'ao] (廉潔, 字 庸 and 子庸 [al. 子曹), a native of Wei

s by fifty-four years. It is said that he and another youth, called K'ung Hsuan (孔琁), attended by turns with their pencils, and acted as amanuenses to

School' do not contain his name, and in A.D. 1588 Zan was displaced from his place in the te

-chih] (狄黑, 字晢 [al. 子晢 and 晢之]), a native of

Tsze-yin] (□ (kui1 刲左邦右) [al. 邦] 巽, 字子歛 [al. 子飲

Confucius's elder brother, the cripple Mang-p'i. His tablet is next to that

sze-shang (公西輿如 [al. 輿 ], 字子上), a nat

(公西蒧 [or 點], 字子上 [al. 子尚 ]), a native

ze-k'ai (琴張 [al. 牢], 字子開), a native

. Tsze-ch'in] (陳亢, 字子亢 [al. 子禽]), a na

suppose that this is the same as No. 53. The advisers of the present dynasty in such matters, however

es are given in the 'Na

holars has added a

known of him is from the Ana. III. iv. His tablet was displaced under the

an officer of Wei, and, as appears fro

has shared the same changes as that

ng (申棖) and Shan T'a

xxxvii. 4. His entrance into the temple has been und

lar,' but in 1642 it was raised to that of 'Ancient Worthy.' To him we owe the most distinguished of the annotated editions o

Mang Hsi, supposed by many to be the same with No. 17; Zu Pei, (孺悲), mentioned in the Analects, XVII. xx, and in the Li Chi, XVIII. Sect. II. ii. 22; Kung-wang Chih-ch'iu (公罔之裘) and Hsu Tien (序點), mentioned in the Li Chi, XLIII. 7; Pin-mau Chia (賓牟賈), mentioned in the Li Chi, XVII. iii. 16; K'ung Hsuan (孔