awn from them were penned before the outbreak

inancial outlet in the Asiatic dominions of the Sultan. There was even the possibility, had Turkey held together, that England, to mitigate pressure elsewhere, would have conceded to an expanding and insistent Germany, a friendly interest and control in Asia Minor. It is true that the greatest possible development, and under the most favoured

er have been a possible solution under any circumstances of the problem that fac

to themselves. Germany, indeed, might have looked for a considerable measure of commercial dominance in the Near East, possibly for a commercial protectorate such as France applies to Tunis and Algeria and hopes to apply to morocco, or such as England imposes on Egypt, and this commercial predominance could have conferred considerable profits on Rhenish industries and benefited Saxon indust

taken place in the contrary direction have but emphasized the universality of this rule, from the days of the overthrow of Rome, if we seek no earlier date. The Crusades furnished, doubtless, the classic example. The later contrary instance, that of Russia towards Siberia, scarcely, if at

pinion that has accompanied with shouts of derision the dying agonies of the Turk. "In matters of mind," as a recent English writer says in the Saturday Review, "the national sporting instinct does not exist. The English public invariably backs the winner." And just as the English public invariably backs the winner, British policy invariably backs the anti-German,

sh public opinion perceives with growin

purpose of conflict may be, the supreme

he solid wedge of a Slav Empire or Federation, commanding in the near future 2,000,000 of armed men is agreeably seen to be driven across South-eastern Europe between Austro-German efforts and the fallow lands of Asia Minor. These latter can safely be left in Turkish hands yet a while longer, until the da

ther triumph for the British Bible; it is th

ulded into an anti-German factor of great weight in the European conflict, clearly i

essors. We are assured, by it, that the claim of the Balkan Allie

s struck from the Ottoman's grasp his right to anything it had given him fell too. Thus Adrianople, a city he has held for over five hundred years, must be giv

rgument brings

ed in a day by one successful campaign, and if the powers of Europe can insist, with justice, that this successful sword shall outweigh the occupation of centuries, then, indeed, have the Powers, led by England, furnished a precedent in the Near East which the victor in the next great struggle should not be slow to apply to the Near West, when a captive Ireland shall be rescue

siatic argument" are strange texts for the desecrater of Christian Ireland to appeal to against that continent which she would fain hem in with Malayan and Indian battleships,

ngs its strange revenges and shows an Ireland that has suffered all that Macedonia has suffered, and this at the hands of Christia

or, will inevitably force Germany to still more resolutely face the problem of opening the Western seaways. To t

uest, Germany sees England preparing still mightier armaments to hold and close the seaways of the world. The Canadian naval vote, the Malayan "gift" of a battleship co

l navy shall keep the peace of the seas as a policeman does the peace of the streets. The time is coming when a naval war

k. Nothing is clearer than that no Englishman can think of other nations save in terms of permanent inferiority. Thus, for instance, in a November (1912) issue of the Daily News we find a representative Englishman (Sir R. Edgecumbe), addressing that Liberal journal in words that no one but an Englishman would dream of giving public utterance to. Sir R. Edgecumbe d

eration" for the Englishman. "This is shown in a curious way by their refusing to call any European 'a white man

e English cannot object to the present w

name of Europe, is preparing the exclusion of Europe from all world affairs that can be dominated by sea power. Lands and peoples held for

ution Europe must inevitably gain the clarity of vision to de

the problems of the Occident for Europe are twofold-a near Western and a far Western

ame. The challenge of Europe must be to England, and the champion of Europe must be and can be only Germany. No other European people has the power, the strength of mind, of purpose and of arm to accom

g of those seas or the permanent exclusion of Europeans from the affairs of the world. It means for Europe the future, the very existence of European civilizatio

mph. I pray for it; for with the coming of that day the "Irish question

s a new stature, and Ireland, oldest and yet youngest of the European peoples, shall enter into free part

rederick Harrison in the E