nd and Germany exists al

ions into neighbouring regions, thereby possibly affect the fuller development of those pre-existing British States. For, with England equality is an offence and the Power that arrives at a degree of success approximating to her own and one capable of being expanded into conditions of fair rivalry, has already committe

reasons of strategy, she will be acting in obedience to an economic policy of defence and not of attack. Her chief concern will be not to advance and seize, always in war the more inspiring task, but to retain and hold. At best she could come out

ut to escape from an intolerable position of inferiority she knows to be unmerited and forced not by the moral or intellectual superiority of her adversar

to all others. Thus, while English attack at the best will be actuated by no loftier feeling than that of a man who, dwelling in a very comfortable house with an agreeable prospect resists an encroachment on his outlook from the bu

erect England objects to the plan and

teach, aye, and to inspire others, rather than him whose chief concern it is to see that no one but himself enjoys these opportunities. The means, moreover, that e

e hours of final shock, placing her gold where Romans put their gods, and never with a soul above her ships, fell before the people of United Italy, so shall the mightier Carthage of

e between these two alone, but to realize the economic and political fruits of that victory, Ireland must be detached from the British Empire. To leave a defeated England still in the full possession of Ireland would be, not to settle the question of German rights at sea or in world affairs, but merely to postpone the settlement to a

free Ireland. For just as the English Channel under the existing arrangement, whereby Ireland lies hidden from the rest of Europe, can be closed at will by England, so with Ireland no longer tied to the girdle of England, that channel cannot be locked. The key to the freedom of European navigation lies

sible to flourish and perhaps difficult to subsist without it. To demonstrate this assertion it is enough to say that Ireland lies in the Line of Trade and that all the English vessels that sail to the East, West, and South must, as it were, run the gauntlet between the harbours of

er resources has indeed formed, since the Recorder of Kinsal

at "Irish Wool" which was by no means to be allowed free access to world markets typifies much els

greater than our trade with Germany, and 40,000,000 pounds greater than the whole of our trade with the United States." How completely England has

instance, in the section "External Trade of Ireland," we learn that Ireland exported in 1910, ￡63,400,000 worth of Irish produce. Of this Great Britain took ￡52,600,000 worth, while some ￡10,800,000 went either to f

d the great world markets, she has been robbed of her trade and artificially deprived of the very position assigned to her by nature in the great tides of commercial intercourse. It is not only the geographical situation and the trade and wealth of Ireland that England has laid hands on for her own aggrandizement, but she has also appropriated to her own ends the physical manhood of the island. Just as the

the cities and walled towns were always faithful; (1) because they have the same bodies they ever had and therein they had and have advantage of us; (2) from infancy they have been and are exercised in the use of arms; (3) the

tion and greater commerce of England, gave her an overwhelming advantage. Moreover the English lacked the moral restraints that imposed so severe a handicap on the Irish in their resistance. They owned no scruple of conscience in committing any crime that served their purpose. Beaten often in open fight by the hardier bodies, stouter arms and greater courage of the Irishmen, they nevertheless won the game by recourse to means that n

troops that, up to then, had ever been dispatched into Ireland (18,000 men), had ascribe

e (though I do unwillingly confess it), better bodies, and perfec

war in Ireland, which, while enjoining recourse to the usual methods outside the field of battle-(i.e. starvation, "politic courses," assassination of leaders; and the sowing of dissension by means of bribery and promises), required for the conflict, that her weaker sol

he Irish in a document that still lies in Salamanca in the archives of the old Irish College. it was written by Don Pedro De Zubiarr on the 16th of January, 1602, on his return to the Asturias. Speaking of the prospect of the campaign, he wro

y Irish challenge issued in the war of 1641. The document has a lasting interest for it displays not only the

Colonel of an Irish regiment then in the field against the English, would not be allowed to stick long on its shoulde

hoice men if you do but pitch your camp one mile out of your town, and then if you have the vict

ll the advantage was conceded by the Irishman to his foe and all the risks, save that of treachery (

t alone that the Wexford peasantry relied in 1798, and with and by it alone that they again and again, armed

forces he relied on. With the decay of all things Irish that has followed the Famine, these phys

hanged and deteriorated diet the Irish race still presents a type, superior physically, intellectually and morally to the English. It was on Irish soldiers that the English chiefly relied in the Boer War, and it is no exagg

herself knew only too well, in extinguishing the independence of a people who were attack

t Ireland should be forced by dire stress of fortune to aid her imperi

lear (February, 1913). We now learn that the First Lord of the Admiralty has decided to establish a new training squadron, "with a base at Queenstown," where it is hoped to induce with the bribe of "s

he coasts of Africa, her money from the trade of the world. Rome beat her, but she did not lea

to neutralize the British fleet of to-morrow. Leave Ireland to Great Brita

antagonist is that Ireland shall be separated and erected into an independent European State under international guarantees. England, obviously

accept whatever terms Germany imposed unless those terms pr

s, not a heavy money indemnity wrung from British finance and trade (although this she might have), but German freedom throughout

in which Britain had sought to pen it must, of itself win its way to the front,

t do not want to be left behind in the peaceful rivalry of human progress-that is to become the equals of Germany in untiring industry, in scientific thoroughness, in sens

hat people incurring and inflicting the loss and injury that an attempted invasion of the great self-governing dominions would so needlessly involve. Most of the British self-governing colonies are to-day great States, well able to defend themselves from overseas a

London, could in no wise be transferred by any pact or treaty made by others, to other rule than that of themselves. Therefore, to obtain those British dominions, Germany would

nspection and may be dism

with profit to German trade and influence, be acquired by a victorious Germany. But none of these things in itself, not all of them put together, would meet the requirements of the German case, or ensure to Germany that future tranquil expansion and peaceful rivalry the war had been fought to secure. England would be weakened, and to some extent impoverished by a war ending with such results; but her great asset, her possession beyon

ave to be fought with this disadvantage-that the Atlantic Sicily would be

seriously imperilling the freedom of the seas. I know of no way save one to make sure the open seas. Ireland, in the name of Europe, and in the exercise of European right to free the seas from the over-lordship of one Europe

so clear from the general European standpoint, that save

Europe at large, its ports available in a sense they never can be while under British control for purposes of general navigation and overseas intercourse, would soon become of such first-rank importance in continental af

e, a stupidity and sin against the light; not because Germany cared for Ireland, but because her withdrawal from English control a

lding an unique position between the Old and New Worlds, and possibly an intellectual and moral asset of no mean importance. This, and more, a sovereign Ireland means to Europe. Above all it means security of transit, equalizing

umed for many years past, to be an absolute and wholly arbitrary judge of war and peace" had gone for ever,