tewardesses 10 1,4

pecified) 10 33

1,543 2,409 -

ves 10 781 2,472

10,176 9,983 -

7 2,633 4,8

seamstresses 10 41,313

6 2,814 2,95

,297[F] 29.1[F] 8

FOR TA

pp. 630-703; for 1900, Twelfth Census, Occupations, Table

rs, and helpers in stores in 190

s clerks an

heelwrights for all

es waitres

Decr

m whites is fairly conclusive. That the economic motive of the Negro has had a large place in causing h

; of these, 99 or 47.1 per cent gave answers that are easily classified as economic. The other replies have been grouped under "family" reasons, 68 or 32.4 per cent, and "individual" reasons, 43 or 20.5 per cent.

ven by 99 Wage-Earners for C

rk" or "fi

ter wages" or

mer empl

te trade

work previo

r my cond

s low at

e at home by (with)

ng bus

ta

obably be in line with the body of data given above. For instance, of 37 men, the median weekly wage before their coming to New York City was in the wage-group $6.00 to $6.99, and after coming, the median weekly wage increased so that it was in the wage-group $10.00 to $10.99. Of the 26 women, the median weekly wage was in the wage-group $4.00 to $4.99 before their coming to New Y

by 64 Individuals Before and Aft

Males.

fter. Bef

an $3.0

$3.99

$4.99

$5.99

$6.99

$7.99

$8.99

$9.99

$10.99

$11.99

$12.99

nd over

37 3

eplied "less than no

ts in Southern communities has served to spread tales of high wages and to provide transportation for large numbers.[11] Again, many who have bee

ng to the call of commerce and industry and is coming to the urban cen

f survey of the legislation in several of the Southern states to understand that this has pla

improved educational facilities provided by municipal authorities. In the South, this has come since 1865. Parks and recreation centers are rapidly being

centers and serving to make conditions of labor on railroads, in mines, and other places where Negroes are employed more attractive and payment of wages more certain and frequent than in the case of labor upon the farm and plantation; (2) tha

eplies noted above, have been classified as those who came because of parents, because of husband or wife, or because of other relatives. On the other hand, there are the individual inclinations. The latter, 43 or 20.5 per cent of the 210 replies, are grouped under restlessness, attraction of New York City, unattractiveness of

9 By Wage-earners Showing why t

8 or 32.4 per cen

count of husband or wife. On

s" 12 "Relatives of wif

here" 1 To visit a b

here" 4 "To follow husba

husband" 7 "My health was bad

as working on a ship coming here" 1 To live wit

nue service" 1 Through infl

Total 11

(43 or 20.5 per cen

of New York City.-15 Forme

in somewhere." "I wanted to come out this way." "To say I was

to come to a larger (place); to travel to see the

through several summers; stopped." "Got tire

who were coming; been back and forth." "Got tire

nning on the boat to New York and stopped fo

here." "Just to see New York; was traveling and

notion to come; wanted to c

ork after seeing it as a sailor i

y it." "Thought I would like New York." "Sto

t I'd like New York." "Came to America to

ties." "Wanted to see the pla

the place and be with sister."

ty; friend wrote me of sights of the great cit

g." "Heard talk of

"Came here from Cincinnati; had read a grea

ike tra

of color in Southern communities leads some of them to migrate North. They long for a larger liberty for themselves and particularly for their children, which the hard conditions of Southern communities do not give. The

ubtless be of an indefinite growth. The secondary and individual causes will continue to play their part. The Negro will be affected in a manner similar to that of the Southern white population. Any rural improvement or "back-to-the-land" movement should recognize that along with the whites, Negroes will continue to migrate to the urban centers and that they will

a matter of education and training. Good housing, pure milk and water supply, sufficient food and clothing, which adequate wages allow, street and sewer sanitation, have their direct effect upon health and physique. And municipal protection and freedom from the pr

the period from 1871 to 1904, the death rate for the white and Negro populations of several Southern ci

r 1871, the general death-rate of the white population of Southern cities shows an upward direction at different times during twelve years, and a downward direction during twenty-one years, following in this respect practically the same course

able for the Negro po

the rate for the year 1871, the general death-rate of the colored population of Southern cities at different times assumed an upward direction during fifteen years and a downward direction during eighteen years, departing in this respect from the corresponding mortality of the

wo death-rates are more clearly seen from the following

ath Rate of American Citie

cess of that of the white, there is a tendency downward. For example, in Atlanta, Ga., the death-rates from 1882 to 1885 were for the white population, 18.22 per 1,000, Negro, 37.96; from 1886 to 1890, white, 19.25, Negro, 33.41; from 1891 to 1905, white, 18.03 per 1,000, Negro, 32.76. Baltim

ties has been considerably in excess of that of the whites, there

as sounded a note which is not mere prophecy.[22] He said, in 1906, "There is no doubt whatsoever but that the introduction of better sanitation among the colored people would have

ost probably be seen in a lowering of the death-rate among the colored people, as conditions a

ignificant paragraph

h the colored rate was thus 67 per cent higher than the white rate, the decrease in the colored rate from 190

ile the colored decrease was 139. From the time that I entered office I have predicted that improved sanitation

to experience rather than to prejudiced noti

health of Negroes in cities is worse than that of whites, it shows a tendency to impro

condition of the Negro at the beginning of his freedom, who now takes an impartial and unprejudiced view of his intellectual and social life in urban communities, will come to no other conclusion than that in the face of peculiar whims and prejudices a large and increasing number in t

se, of limited worth in judging of moral conditions. Arrests and prison commitments have many factors which figures do not show and are quite as much a commentary up

1880 to 1903) made by Mr. Monroe N. Work gives indicative results. Speaking

eptions, a marked increase in the arrest-rates of the several cities. This was especially true of Chicago, Cincinnati, Washington and St. Louis. From 1892-1896 to 1902-1903 there appears to have been a general tendency for th

t. Louis have increased slowly since the seventies until the n

enitentiary commitments[27] for Baltimore and Chicago show, on the whole, a decreasing trend. "The rate of annual commitments to the state pen

he annual Negro penitentiary commitments for both cities. The rate per thousand of the Negro population for the number of prisoners received in the Kansas penitentiary was available for four years, as follows: in 1889 and 1890 the rate of annual Negro commitments to the Kansas penitentiar

remarks f

robably decreasing. It appears, therefore, that the conclusion that crime is probably decreasing among the Negroes of the United States is warranted. The crime-rate of Negroes, North and South, appears at present to be about the same, although the rate of police arrests for some Southern cities is higher than that for the Northern cities. The claim that t

s in age-grouping a

rm ground for hope as the Negro beco

tical, educational and religious. The present essay is an attempt to study carefully the economic problems arising out of the Negro's adjustment in his struggles to make a living and to live in the city as seen in the commercial Metropolis of America; to find out at what he is employed there; to inquire of his efficiency and success, and of the attitude of employer and fellow employee. As we find Negroes rising from the plane of

elating to wage-earners and to business undertakings. In the former the United States Census reports, a personal canvass, and the unpublished schedules for 2,500 families of the

AND CAUSES OF CITY CONCE

in personal hygiene of the poorer classes and in city sanitation and inspection; (2) by migration: that is, short distance movements by progressive stages f

entration in citie

provements in scientific cultivation and in agricultural machinery, and the opening of distant and v

The prevailing influence in determining location has been "a break in transportation." Where goods are transferred and where, in additio

domestic systems to that of the factory, with the invention of power machinery and modern methods of tr

lation affecting trade and the migration of labor; centralization of governmental machinery in the cities; legal forms of land tenure, etc. (c) Social advantages such as better education, varied amusements, higher standard of

TNO

n History, Economics and Public Law (New York, 1899), pp. 1-478. The meaning of city and urban population is that used by Weber: An agglomerated p

end of this chapter. Web

-68; 173-74; 201-207. See al

lletin 8, Negroes in t

p. cit., pp.

the United States, Revised edit

pp. 5-103; vide pp. 24-28. Du Bois, The Negro F

s, op. ci

on: Charities, New York, vol. xv, no. 1,

t of the United States,

Out of Work

en in New York, in Southern Wo

8, 5383; 155-56; acts of 1901, no. 101, secs. 1-3; acts of 1905, no. 49, secs. 1-3; 157-59, act no. 219, sec. 1; act no. 225, secs. 7-18; 278, secs. 2530, 2641-42; 281, sec. 3233-34; 291, sec. 4732; 495-501, secs. 1350, 2722-2739A; 706, sec. 2139

ractical operation, they place the tenant and farm laborer at the discretion or mercy of the landlord. The writer has made repeated visits to many rural communities in Ala., Ga., Fla., Miss., and La., and has observed how these legislative measures serve as barriers to thrift among the landless Negro farmers. A number of the youths hav

, by Dr. Wm. L. Bulkley, in The Colored Amer

by Kelly Miller in New Eng

73, March, 1906. Mr. Hoffman says: "While the general death-rate is of very limited value for the purpose of comparison in the case of different localities, it is, I am

04; New Orleans, 1871-1904; District of Columbia, 1876-19

pp. 7-8. (Ita

mortality has not only been excessive, but has borne no relation whatever to the white mortality curve, being on the ascending scale at times when the white mortality was clea

niversity Pubs., no. 1, (Atlanta, Ga., 1896), p.

tment of the City of Richmond, Va., 190

gazine, Feb. and March, 1908, and Following

sville, Ky., Memphis and Nashville, Tenn., Atlanta, Ga., Chicago, and New York, and during visits to Baltimore, Md., Washington, D.C., Norfolk and Richmond, Va., Savannah and Augusta, Ga., Chatt

me in Cities, by M.N. Work (Atlanta, Ga., 1904), pp. 18-32; cf.

. cit.,

., pp. 26

. cit.,

, W.E.B., The Philadelphia Negro, (Philadelphia, 1889) and Wright, R.R., Jr.

eber, op. c

.; 241 ff.; 283 ff

published recently: Industrial Causes of Congestion of Population i

p. cit., pp.

. 171-173; 181

op. cit.,

., pp. 21

TER

pulation of

ed itself to furnish slaves to the Colonists of New Amsterdam.[37] A similar resolution was passed by the colony council in 1648[38] and by 1664 slavery had become of sufficient importance to receive legislative regulation in the Duke of York Code.[39] Both by further importations and by natural increase the Negro p

ork City has shown a high per cent of increase in numbers, above 15 per cent, at eight of the twelve succeeding censuses, and 8.1 per cent and 5.5 per cent at two others. The decreases from 1840 to 1850, 13.2 per cent, and from 1850 to 1860, 7.5 per cent, were probably due to the unfavorable sentiment against the Negroes which arose during the abolition agitation of these periods and which had its effect on the Negro's movements to and from the city. The small increase from 1860 to 1870, 5.5 per cent, was very probably the result of the same causes-of the Civil War dist

wth of the total and the Negro populatio

lation of New York City, as at P

ty, exclusive of

ro population. Population.

Per cent Total. Negr

,500 - -

000 500 3

00 1,000 5

915 2,915 97.2

6 2,711 45.9 5,7

116 3,490 40.4 8

100 984 8.1 11,1

82 2,982 22.8 20,

95 2,573 15.6 47,

2,464 13.2[C] 138,

7 1,204 7.5[C] 279

,755 828 5.5 419,

96 6,741 42.8 599,4

30 3,834 17.0 838,5

9 15,969 60.6 1,166,

0 27,403 64.8 1,634,

757 from Du Bois,

udes "slaves" and all other "Free Colored" which doe

the Census. Figures for same area, outside of Manhattan and Brooklyn,

Decr

smaller relative part of the total population each decade since

ning white group has segregated the Negroes into separate neighborhoods. The figures available for Brooklyn do not permit a positive inference, but in Ma

of the Negro population of the Borough. The largest number of Negroes, 13.8 per cent of the total number, were living, in 1900, in the Nineteenth Assembly District with numbers approximating this in the Eleventh, which contained 10.4 per c

Forty-second streets, Sixth and Eighth avenues, and into Harlem between One Hundred and Thirtieth, One Hundred and Fortieth streets, Fifth and Eighth avenues during the past five years as business interests ha

gro Population by Assembly D

Negro population.

ly Distric

ly Distric

ly District

bly Distri

bly Distri

ly District

bly Distri

bly Distri

bly Distri

bly Distri

bly Distri

bly Distri

Districts

36,2

diagrams of this Harlem district, and of the "San Juan Hill" district in the West Sixties, based

ies, from figures based upon the original returns of the New York State Census of 1905, were chosen from the Eleventh, the Nineteenth, the Twenty-third, and the Thirty-firs

RAM

THE NEGRO POPU

ed To J

GRA

E NEGRO POPULATION

d, and 7 because the heads were white. This reduced the number to 2,500 families, which consisted of 9,788 persons, exclusive of 17 white members of these families. The data from the State Ce

nues, commonly called "San Juan Hill;" within the Twenty-third and Thirty-first Assembly Districts, One Hundred and Thirtieth and One Hundred and Thirty-third streets between Eighth and St. Nicholas avenues, and One Hundred and Thirty-fourth and One Hundred and Thirty-fifth streets between Fifth and Seven

o that the latter are representative of the several neighborhoods and of the total population. Table X shows the distribution by Assembly D

mbly Districts of 2,500 Negro

. No. of families

th 927

nth 1,0

third 3

-first

2,50

ls of the city, a total of 365 persons. The localities within which these 365 people lived corresponded in the main to the location of the 2,500 families taken from the State Census of 1905; that is, between Twenty

description of the clearly segregated wage-earning Negro population of the districts. The study, then, is representative of about one-fourth of the N

population. The general condition of the wage-earning eleme

TNO

k Colonial D

d Ordinances of New Nethe

otes on Negroes of

ony of contemporary witnes

Bois, Notes,

gene K. Jones, Field Secretary of the Nation

TER

ition of Wag

GE OF NEGRO

is also generally conceded. The number of children in this Negro group under 15 years of age is 19 per cent, below normal for great cities, and the upper age limit is also quite low, being only 6.6 per cent between forty-five and fifty-four years, and 3.2 per cent over fifty-five years. Thus the bulk of the population, 70.8 per cent,

Grouping of 9,788 Negro Wage-earner

Male. Fem

No. Per cen

ars 949 19.6 91

0.4 1155 23

31.8 1546 3

8.4 809 16.

6.9 311

128 2.6 18

unknown 14 0.

100. 4944 10

female), and the smaller percentages in the grouping thirty-five to forty-four years (18.4 per cent male, 16.4 per cent female). Doubtless this effect is produced because so many of the cases in 1909 were individuals attending evening school, who were required to be above 14 years of a

d Age Grouping of 365 Negro Wa

Male. Fem

No. Per cen

ears 18 10.2 2

19.8 37 1

0.5 50 26.

22.6 41 2

6.2 21 11

r 10 5.6 4

unknown 9 5.1

100. 188 10

the agreement with the two preceding tables above confirms the representative character of the data for 1905 and 1909. For the total per cent under fifteen years in 1900 was 19.8; in 1905, 19.0; from fifteen to twenty-four years, 24 per cent in 1900, 21.9 per cent in 1905; from twenty-five to thirty

e fact that the growth of this population takes place largely through recruits from other sections of the Country. They must find industrial and social adjustment to a new envi