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Chapter 8 THE SEPARATION OF THE ENGLISH CHURCH.

Word Count: 6012    |    Released on: 01/12/2017

dom. Later it was plainly declared to the Pope that, if they saw the Emperor had the ascendancy in his Council, the nobility of England with the Kin

The Papal Nuncio declared himself positively convinced, that it was necessary

s perfectly justifiable. According to Clement VII's own declarations, the English were convinced that he was only hindered by regard for the Emperor from coming to a decision which was essential to them. His vacillation is very intelligible, very natural: but it did not correspond to the idea of the dignity with which he was clothed. There was to be an independent supreme Pontiff for this very reason, that right might

incipalities, and the kingdoms of the North, had given themselves a constitution which rested on the exclusion of the hierarchic influences of Rome: the King could reckon on many allies in his enterpris

ready prepared in the country itself, throu

Wolsey proceeded to their suppression: he united old convents (such as that one which has brought down to recent times the name of an Anglo-Saxon king's daughter, Frideswitha, from the eighth century) with the splendid colleges which he endowed so richly, for the advancement of learning and the renown of his name, at Oxford and at Ipswich. His courts included all branches of the ecclesiastical and mixed jurisdiction, and the King had no scruple in arming

was exactly on this point that open discord broke out between them. For a time the cardinal seemed still to maintain his courage; but when on St. Luke's day-the phrase ran that the evangelist had disevangelised him-the great seal was taken from him, he lost all self-reliance. Wolsey was not a Ximenes or a Richelieu. He had no other support than the King's favour; without this he fell back into his nothingness. He was heard to wail like a child: the King comforted him by a token of

ether was of almost greater importance for the pro

esent, was the need of money more pressingly represented to a Parliament and never was there greater opposition; after a fortnight's consultation the proposal only passed at a moment when the members of the King's household and court formed the majority of thosepresent.[105] The Parliament and the country always murmured at Wols

emporal claims were upheld by a learned Minorite, Henry Standish, who declared it to be quite lawful to limit the ecclesiastical privileges for the sake of the public good; especially in the case of a crime that did not properly come before any spiritual court. Both sides then applied to the King: the ecclesiastics reminded him that he ought to uphold the rights of Holy Church, the laymen that he should maintain the powers of jurisdiction belonging to the crown. The King's declaration was

inst their abuses and the oppression that arose from them, but against their very existence and their legislation; the clergy made laws without the King's foreknowledge, without the participation of any laymen, and yet the

to a legislative power independent of the temporal supremacy as being their original right: on its universal maintenance rested the Papacy and its influence on the several countries. Were the clergy now to lea

tution of the Latin Church. Whoever it was that introduced the word 'Head,' no doubt had this in view. The King

is legatine power given away benefices, and established a jurisdiction by which that of the King was encroached on; he was found guilty of this in regular form. He anticipated the full effect of this sentence by submitting without any defence and surrendering all his property to the King. It was then that York House in Westminster, with its gardens and the land adjoining, the Whitehall of later times, passed into the possession of the crown.[109] He still kept his archbishopric; we find him soon after at Caywood, the palace belonging to it, and in fact even busied once more with his buildings. At times the King again thought of his old counsellor, and to many

litical plans, what he did and what he suffered, his success and his fall, have won him an imperishable name in English history. His attempt to link the royal power with the Papacy b

2, 1530, but resolved that the question must come of right before the Assessors of the Rota, who should afterwards report on it to the Sacred College.[111] What their sentence would be was the less doubtful, since the Curia was now linked closer than ever with the Emperor, who had just closed the Diet of Augsburg in the way they wished, and was now about to carry out its decrees. The traces of a new alliance with Rome, which was imputed to Wolsey as an act of treason, must have contributed to the same result. The King wished to break off this connexion by a Declaration, which would serve him as a standing-ground later on, and show the Court of Rome that he had nothing to fear from it. On Feb. 7, 1531, the King's demand was laid before both Houses of Convocation. Who could avoid seeing its decisive significance for the age? The clergy, which had without much trouble agreed to the money-vote, nevertheless strove long against a Declaration which altered their whole position. But a hard necessity lay on them. In default of the Pardon, which, as the judges repeatedly assured them, depended on this Declaration, they would have found themselves out of the protection of the King and the Law. They sent two bishops, to get the King's demand soften

principles on which the ecclesiastical system rested, found their way across the Channel, and filled men's minds in England also with similar convictions. The only safeguard a

Convocation had presented a petition in which they desired to be released from the payments which had been hitherto made to the supreme spiritual authority, especially the annates and first-fruits. The National Church was the existing, immediate authority-why should they allow taxes to be laid on them for a distant Power, a Power moreover of whic

tion showed itself also in the understand

the bishops virtually renounced their right of special legislation, and pledged themselves for the future not to issue any kind of Ordinance or Constitution without the King's

hitherto limited. The defenders of the secular power put forth the largest claims. They said, the King has also t

after God; that this body consists of clergy and laity; to the first belongs the decision in questions of the divine law and things spiritual, while temporal affairs devolve on the laity; that one jurisdiction aids the other for the due administration of justice, no foreign intervention is needed. This is the Act by which, for these very reasons

n authority which had hitherto influenced them, and which limi

uaranteed to the Church of England, and not derogatory to his own dignity and jurisdiction; he did not pledge himself to maintain the peace of the Church absolutely, but only the concord between the clergy and his lay subjects according to

ing of aggrandisement, of personal

ce with him than this-that every man must be obedient to the higher powers. We possess Tyndale's book in which these principles are set forth; by Anne Boleyn's means it came into Henry's hands. That Pope Clement summoned him formally before his judgment-seat, he declared to

ourable opinions of learned theologians.[117] With this view he had applied to the most distinguished universities in Italy and Germany, in France and in England itself; and managed to obtain a large number of decisions, by which the Pope's right of dispensation was denied; and this in spite of the constant efforts in various ways of the Imperial agents; even the two mother-universities, Bologna and Paris, had declared in his favour. He protested that he had been thereby enabled in his conscience to free himself from the yoke of an unlawful union, bordering on incest, and to proceed to another marriage. But all the more urgent was it that the legality of this marriage should be recognised according to the forms at that time lawfully valid. He no longer wished for

at Rome: she was the anointed and crowned Queen of England; were she to give up her title, she would have been a concubine these twenty-four years, and her daughter a bastard; she would be false to her conscience, to her own soul, her confessor would not be able to absolve her.' She became more and more absorbed in strict Catholic religious observances. She rose soon after midnight, t

he King had created eighteen knights of the Order of the Bath. These in their new decorations, and a great part of the nobility, which felt itself honoured in Anne's elevation, accompanied her:[118] she sat on a splendid seat, supported by and slung between horses: the canopy over her was borne by the barons of the Cinque Ports; her hair was uncovered, she was charming as always, and (it appears) not without a sense of high good fortune. On Sunday she was escorted to Westminster Abbey by

pledged himself in his agreements to do so.[119] Charles V supplied his ambassador at Rome with yet another means to advance (as he expressed himself) the decision of the proceedings with the Pope and with the Holy See-for he made a distinction between them. The Pope inquired of him what, after this had ensued, would then be done to carry it out. The Emperor answered, his Holiness should do what justice pledged him to do, what he could not omit if he would fulfil his duty to God and the world, and maintain his own importance; this must come first, the Church must use all its own means before it called in the temporal arm: but if the matter came to that point, he would not fail to do his part; to declare himself explicitly beforehand might excite religious scruple

ransferred to the crown; never more was an English bishop to receive his pallium from Rome. It was made penal to apply for dispensing faculties; with their abolition the fees usually paid for them also ceased. The oldest token of the devotion of the Anglo-Saxon race to the Roman See, the Peter's penny, was definitely abolished. Care was taken that for the appeal in the last resort, hitherto made to the Roman courts, there should be a similar court at home. On the other hand the King granted a greater freedom in the election of bishops, at least in its outward forms. The existing laws against heretics were confirmed, though those independent proceedings of the bishops which had been usual in the times of the Lancasters received some limitation. For the episcopal constitution and the old doctrine were to be retained: the wish was to establish an Anglo-Catholic Church under the supremacy of the crown. The King added to his titles the designation of 'Supreme Head on earth of the Church of England immediately under God.' The Parli

foreign influence, that the second extended to spiritual affairs. The great question now was, whether the conflicting elements, in themselves independent but ceaselessly agitated by their connexio

osse prima a danno loro.' So it is said in a letter o

'on n'ayt entendu et veriffié plusieurs choses.' Chapuis to Charles V, 2

otices the desirable explanation: 'the knights being of the King's council, the King's servants and gentlemen ...

their treasure is spent in vain, and consequently lo

e said parties, your subjects spiritual and temporal.' Petit

in Fiddes, Life

de recuperatione.' Ibi

iò a machinar contra

ilio di Trento III, XIV

accounts in Bur

Reformation i. 117. Strype had already remar

he King's Majesty hath as well the care of the souls of his subjects as their bodies, and may by

have taken place at the beginning of his government. This would presuppose all the res

for Rochefort, Sta

culta di Parigi) insieme con altre opinion delle universita di Angliterra et d'altro

s of the realm.' Cranmer's letter

article, 'pro administranda justitia super divortio

de Cifuentes y Rodrigo Avalos. P

the rights of the Queen and Princess were recognised, 'a

Letters of the Kin

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Contents

Chapter 1 THE BRITONS, ROMANS, AND ANGLO-SAXONS. Chapter 2 TRANSFER OF THE ANGLO-SAXON CROWN TO THE NORMANS AND PLANTAGENETS. Chapter 3 THE CROWN IN CONFLICT WITH CHURCH AND NOBLES. Chapter 4 FOUNDATION OF THE PARLIAMENTARY CONSTITUTION. Chapter 5 RE-ESTABLISHMENT OF THE SUPREME POWER. Chapter 6 CHANGES IN THE CONDITION OF EUROPE. Chapter 7 ORIGIN OF THE DIVORCE QUESTION. Chapter 8 THE SEPARATION OF THE ENGLISH CHURCH. Chapter 9 THE OPPOSING TENDENCIES WITHIN THE SCHISMATIC STATE. Chapter 10 RELIGIOUS REFORM IN THE ENGLISH CHURCH. Chapter 11 TRANSFER OF THE GOVERNMENT TO A CATHOLIC QUEEN.
Chapter 12 ELIZABETH'S ACCESSION. TRIUMPH OF THE REFORMATION.
Chapter 13 OUTLINES OF THE REFORMATION IN SCOTLAND.
Chapter 14 MARY STUART IN SCOTLAND. RELATION OF THE TWO QUEENS TO EACH OTHER.
Chapter 15 INTERDEPENDENCE OF THE EUROPEAN DISSENSIONS IN POLITICS AND RELIGION.
Chapter 16 THE FATE OF MARY STUART.
Chapter 17 THE INVINCIBLE ARMADA.
Chapter 18 JAMES VI OF SCOTLAND HIS ACCESSION TO THE THRONE OF ENGLAND.
Chapter 19 FIRST MEASURES OF THE NEW REIGN.
Chapter 20 THE GUNPOWDER PLOT AND ITS CONSEQUENCES.
Chapter 21 FOREIGN POLICY OF THE NEXT TEN YEARS.
Chapter 22 PARLIAMENTS OF 1610 AND 1614.
Chapter 23 JAMES I AND HIS ADMINISTRATION OF DOMESTIC GOVERNMENT.
Chapter 24 COMPLICATIONS ARISING OUT OF THE AFFAIRS OF THE PALATINATE.
Chapter 25 PARLIAMENT OF THE YEAR 1621.
Chapter 26 NEGOTIATIONS FOR THE MARRIAGE OF THE PRINCE OF WALES WITH A SPANISH INFANTA.
Chapter 27 THE PARLIAMENT OF 1624. ALLIANCE WITH FRANCE.
Chapter 28 BEGINNING OF THE REIGN OF CHARLES I, AND HIS FIRST AND SECOND PARLIAMENT.
Chapter 29 THE COURSE OF FOREIGN POLICY FROM 1625 TO 1627.
Chapter 30 PARLIAMENT OF 1628. PETITION OF RIGHT.
Chapter 31 ASSASSINATION OF BUCKINGHAM. SESSION OF 1629.
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