n the belief of immortality stands in the closest connection.[1269] This question h

years, lived and acted on the negative supposition. That unbelief on this particular point must often have led to a general scepticism, is evident of itself, and is attested by abundant historical proof. These are the men of whom Ariosto says: 'Their faith goes no higher than the roof.'[1270] In Italy, and especially in Florence, it was

his understanding to believe, and bewails his inability to believe voluntarily. If he could only live for a month with pious monks, he would truly become spiritually minded. It comes out that these partisans of Savonarola knew their Bible very imperfectly; Boscoli can only say the Paternoster and Avemaria, and earnestly begs Luca to exhort his friends to study the sacred writings, for only what a man has learned in life does he possess in death. Luca then reads and explains to him the story of the Passion according to the Gospel of St. Matthew; the poor listener, strange to say, can perceive clearly the Godhead of Christ, but is perplexed at his manhood; he wishes to get as firm a hold of it 'as if Christ came to meet him out of a wood.' His friend thereupon exhorts him to be humble, since this was only a doubt sent him by the Devil. Soon after it occurs to the penitent that he has not fulfilled a vow made in his youth to go on pilgrimage to the Impruneta; hi

subjective and how variable the relation of the individual to religion, and what powerful enemies and competitors religion had. That men whose inward condition is of this nature, are not the men to found a new church, is evident; but the history of th

ation and this art were necessarily accompanied by a general spirit of doubt and inquiry. If this spirit shows itself but little in literature, if we find, for example, only isolated instances of the beginnings of biblical criticism (p. 465), we are not therefore to infer that it had no existence. The sound of it was only over-powered by the need of representa

s in the pulpit.[1274] The dispute was warmly carried on even in the fifteenth century; some proved that Aristotle taught the doctrine of an immortal soul;[1275] others complained of the hardness of men's hearts, who would not believe that there was a soul at all, till they saw it sitting down on a chair before them;[1276] Filelfo in his funeral oration on Francesco Sforza brings forward a long list of opinions of ancient and even of Arabian philosophers in favour of immortality, and closes the mixture, which covers a folio page and a half of print,[1277] with the words, 'Besides all this we have the Old and New Testaments, which are above all truth.' Then came the Florentine Platonists with their master's doctrine of the soul, supplemented at times, as in the case of Pico, by Christian teaching. But the opposite opinion prevailed in the instructed world. At the beginni

by step to supplant the Christian heaven in proportion as the ideal of fame and historical greatness threw into the shade the ideal of the Christian life, without, nevertheless, the public feeling being thereby offended as it was by the doctrine of personal annihilation after death. Even Petrarch founds his hope chiefly on this Dream of Scipio, on the declarations found in other Ciceronian works, and on Plato's 'Ph?do,' without making any mention of the Bible.[1281] 'Why,' he asks elsewhere, 'should not I as a Catholic share a hope which was demonstrably cherished by the heathen?' Soon afterwards Coluccio Salutati wrote his 'Labours of Hercules' (still existing in manuscript), in which it i

annazaro the story of a vision, which he beheld one morning early while half awake.[1285] He seemed to see a departed friend, Ferrandus Januarius, with whom he had often discoursed on the immortality of the soul, and whom he now asked whether it was true that the pains of Hell

of emotional excitement, the rebound of passionate natures, the horror felt at great national calamities, the cry to heaven for help. The awakening of the conscience had by no means necessarily the sense of sin and the felt need of salvation as its consequence, and even a very severe outward penance did not perforce involve any repentance in the Christian meaning of the word. When the powerful natures of the Renaissance tell us that their principle is to repent of nothing,[1286] they may have in their minds only matters that are morally i

ped away the Christian element out of religion, without either seeking or finding any other substitute for the feelings to rest upon. Theism may be considered that definite heightened devotion to the one Supreme Being which

down before the family altar with the picture of the Madonna, and prayed, not to her, but to God that he would vouchsafe to them the right use of their property, a long life in joy and unity with one another, and many male descendants: 'for myself I

clares himself a believing Christian, he shows that his religious consciousness is essentially theistic.[1290] His sufferings seem to him neither as the punishment of sin, nor as preparation for a higher world; they are an affair

at the time of the Reformation, when men were driven to come to a distinct conclusion on such points, this mode of thought was accepted with a fuller consciousness; a number of the Italian Protestants came forward as Anti-Trinitarians and Soc

of Lorenzo,[1293] which we are tempted to regard as the highest product of the spirit of this school, an unreserved Theism is set forth-a Theism which strives to treat the world as a great moral and physical Cosmos. While the men of the Middle Ages look on the world as a vale of tears, which Pope and Emperor are set to guard against the coming of Antichrist; while the fatalists of the Renaissance oscillate between seasons of overflowing energy an

tically modern spirit. One of the most precious fruits of the knowledge of the world and of man here co

E

DE

, I, J, K, L, M, N, O,

, educati

VI., Po

against,

the, of Pe

o of P

da Sarte

eon Battis

usattus, fame

onoz,

y, 539

VI., Pop

h of

so I.

of Fer

at of Naples, 3

for astro

r antiquity,

Dante.-S

representa

, age of

y of Itali

treaty

ne,' the, of B

ortance of, Da

tion of,

initari

ere, discover

t. Thomas,

study of

e Dynast

tro, the rai

odern journ

sto,

Humani

ic aim in

of Roman s

so,' the, of,

as a Dram

le,

sorcery,

(jeste

t, Venet

the, of B

ion, paid,

ns in R

belief in

agains

belief in,

the old

hy in Italy

song of, by Lorenzo

ugia, the, 28,

i, disputes

as novel

delity,

f writi

omic process

o, rustic pain

l disintegrati

Pietr

ams o

a rerum Vene

rs of

acra'

tines,

boar houn

a Siena, 23

l, his collection

critici

, Collectiv

phy, 3

ive, art

historical writi

ds of Ber

ccio,

f Dant

rsonal descr

yrann

ive of anti

ts of

as epic p

veness

e of

crimes of t

C?sar,

h of

Este, 4

of Modena a

, to Reggi

rpaolo, deat

al Gard

dage,

o as Come

t Papal C

, of Ravenn

League of

ella Scala,

e, the

aresca,' of P

no, Giov

o,' the,

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turist

Burana,'

the, 407

glion

of Librarie

Milan, foun

rians, t

as model

uto, autobiogra

terina di

vent of, fou

mperor, actio

V., Emper

II. in Ita

nto Ita

naming o

ers, Ita

condemn as

ot bestowed accordi

ruption

contempt

ation o

proposed by Emper

f reform

as model for

vival of Vitruvius,

cona, an anti

nction igno

., Pope, de

t of,

ament

the discove

politic

Giovanne,

Gonza

ia, 38

dell'Arte,

, the, of Pi

Latin, histor

despotisms found

osa of Pavia, f

, Autobiograph

obria

irl, discov

feast of, cele

in Papacy

e, by Castiglion

, use of,

l of T

e, descript

of, 4

its own sak

f, among pri

m, Bibli

s, the,

nce of

al Latinizatio

le,' t

nceschett

mbler

lief in, 52

use of t

ri, 75, 76, 83

of antiqui

rist

reedom of t

place o

or fame,

nce of

nature shown

by Boccac

reanism,

n language

ty, 36

the sonn

uova' o

of oratory

the, of Sab

ron,' t

ogia Deoru

of individ

f life in move

nations and c

man, 3

rth, loss of sig

not bestowed accord

the, of Macc

comfort

, 132,

ance attached

relating t

attista Manto

omestic, 1

equal, of

ate,

Charles

n to the

ck II.,

.,

und, 1

eanism

4, 267, 268

, the, 2

n of classe

mus,

uke of Ferra

, government o

la of,

ating to,

eling towa

Hubert,

n, 30

da Roma

rn idea of

, evils of

o of Ur

ttorino da

y, Firenzuol

Naples, 36,

ourishing s

lic offices

als, 4

elopment

in life of

adoption

n female bea

nts, the

ging

nce,

tics of, 76, 7

candal-mo

secure i

laces of science o

, as perfectors

ancesco, to

ged attitude

II., Emper

.,

Urbino, lea

ry of

will, bel

mendic

a, Cecil

professi

on large

de Fo

a, 8

ish army, ad

uelphs, political

s, 52

leazzo

ociety, abs

onarola (see

of Stras

r, order o

a (jest

use of, of

sco, 4

rancesco

ella

ine, belief in,

nsilio,'

an Italian

dynastie

e study o

of Ver

llines, political

s opinion of the

rst taught as

orian of the h

fals

its,

hostility t

s of Sien

Venetarum,' th

eated of in

sentiment

reeding o

he Fourteenth

ers of,

of, in 16th ce

s of,

ian of

ons of,

dy of intellectua

rights

eedom of Ital

of G. della C

, indifferen

ent at beginning o

decline of be

, assertion of,

Italian Sta

cting of,

en perception of

n marriage,

ers, Ger

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rs and Sc

o development

musical, coll

nce, rel

of Este

cleanlines

of the Middl

s of, 2

o personal

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ng of

hool for sc

to Spa

ella Mar

of Tasso, delineatio

a profess

y activity of

the Italia

Pope, charac

ion o

d, passio

onus, life

diveno,'

s of social inte

he, discov

tion, history

and Histo

riginator of new ep

, coronation of po

ce of beli

f Cambra

, buffoonery

on humanis

jester

f, 119,

ting, obje

atalogues

d refinement

o da Vi

Magnificent,

of country li

'Inferno

hus and Aria

of, 3

belief of

asella, de

Moro, 41,

danger fr

, Mart

li, 81, 82

media

si il'

history

n immoral

e worship o

ans, 5

ng of

decline

l, 533-

ice o

a, Pando

t, 23

do, 33,

iscovery o

Giannozzo

acter of,

nce of

tista, eclogue

i, Ald

zo, of Milan,

of Mila

atry,

novels of

ncement of new Imper

f, charm over F

tournament

iovanni,

'nobility,

ounge

eries

, 293

the, Mask o

oops, introd

rks on, by huma

enetian

ico della, 1

h of

y of man,

will,

n of astr

sm, opposit

of, in 'Dec

irists

s lives o

arity o

House of, o

igo,

lation to as

o, Fra Franc

ty, 43

' the, of Luigi Pul

c sympathy on

, 390

s, 406-407,

representatio

, new

children

ence in Ita

y in, discove

, style

the, of Po

' the, 1

iccolo, 18

ility,'

, faith in higher

f Bandel

uccio,

aglioni of Perugia,

luence of, on It

elief in

the Scholar,' by Pie

ortant position

, Pulpi

udies, revi

,' the, of Arios

nement of li

cellus, 'Zodiac

tic, of Jacop

ni, Agno

anagement

the, 407,

and its dan

n in, 106

, calumny r

rit of ref

tion o

, sale

eginnings

oetical treatme

of society,

faith,

and Lau

unt Ventoux

graphe

astrologer

form of s

rince o

f nature on

me, 1

of, 3

to fame, h

rnamen

ve of antiqu

yrannie

devastatio

, Giacomo

opo

, representations

didacti

egiac, 264

321-32

ond great ag

odern,

ic,

nic, 27

plastic art

n 'Knight

ility,'

n, of Italian

al of, by G. del

Florenti

as letter

Zingaresc

., satires aga

ander VI.

h of

VII., deliver

t VIII., ele

cholas

aul II

as peacem

of republic of

narrownes

aul II

ius II

uarian,

ptive wri

in witche

feast of Corpus

astrology a

ce of,

nature,

n mirac

s IV., 105

fano, conspi

Antonio dei Pa

ks through

f repentanc

influence

overy of, rece

s, 406-407

belief in

ur accorded to

ship, negl

pic poet

the mask of

Vittore da

, Bianc

ael,

estoration of an

of his picture,

lism, 5

ion, Ger

on Pap

, Veneti

ide taken

n daily li

Renaissance,

olerance, 4

epidemic

, the, a ne

it of religi

preachers

ty: Latin correspondenc

cs, the

idemics of r

Girola

Cardin

Cola di,

House of

of,

sense of depe

a Lecce,

sassins

ruins,

raphical st

walks thr

ardening result of C

e, of Pietr

o, Jaco

ence for reli

ip of

ella da, be

, 151, 26

f, 261

ies of I

, Giovan M

po,

nks the aut

Girolamo,

in d?mo

nce of

oration

nican monaster

iger

a, Cami

onal sympathy

in Italy,

' (copyist

pal, important

house

andro

24, 25, 26,

a, assassinat

Ippoli

o, 24

are, Wil

na,

, Emperor

, Pope, 10

in Ita

gher forms

an of,

dels to other

iaris

the, 310

of Bocca

ante

ged attitud

ental to developm

ano Army, ad

ence, jealous

bject of pub

den, orde

cription in p

ence of, birthp

Rome, reconstru

the mask of F

ture of ancient a

eas, see P

5, 8, 13,

Cardina

,' the,

e,' the,

of, represent

the, of Boc

rzio

eligious, 49

, discover

of Renaissance

se, th

the, 407, 4

rice, 4

the, of Pet

ori,' t

lla transizi

iracies with

asis of new nati

opponents

s, petty

o degli, vis

s and Schoo

he infelicity of th

rary of, fou

a,' the,

, Italian

-Milano

ce,

place of science of

rocession

stitution

f, to lite

of, cause

eneral of, 69

, Giova

teo

ionardo

n, th

e, 10, 15, 1

leazzo

assassinatio

,' the, of

the, of Luigi

i, Pao

, and Ciceronianism,

Vatican, disc

ti,' the, or

work of a

lysis of

nce of, in li

nd satire

Gaeta,

raft,

, 524,

of, 524,

Ariosto

of, with

ion o

sm of

for,

n of, 3

blic, negle

cca, director

' of Marcellus P

LLEN & U

Museum St

73 St. Geor

.: 218-222 Cl

N.Z.: 110-11

TNO

alf of the fourth volume, containing the 'Architecture and

ella ò una republica ò un prencipe che la governi, è solamente la Chiesa; perchè havendovi habitato e tenuto imperio t

lled 'lo stato,' and this name afterwards acquired t

., Berlin. 1859. A. del Vecchio, La legislazione di Federico II. imperatore. Turin, 187

es Thomas von Aquino. Leip

derick, Nov. 2, 21, 22, 23, 24, 30, 53, 59,

Patav. Antiqu. in Gr?vius,

Rép. Italiennes, iv.

cchetti, Nove

is prince, which impostors knew how to keep. See the importan

ara (Nov. 28, 1373). The letter is sometimes printed separately wi

lli's funeral oration on Bianca Maria Visconti, in Muratori, Scriptores Rerum Italicarum, xxv. col. 429. It was by way of

he prince would again forbid the keeping of pigs in the streets of Padua, as the sig

66.-Matteo I. Visconti and Guido della Torre, t

secret murder of Matteo II. (M

ants dressed out 'like altars at a festival.'-The triumphal procession of Castracan

2: ... 'qui non heroico more, s

e certainly based on the beliefs of earlier times: L. B. Alberti, De re ?dif.,

o Sacchett

eo Villan

. 117, in the words, 'quelli delle bullete.' In the last ten years of the reign of Frederick II., when the stricte

o find a historian who, keeping the just mean between the exaggerated praises of contemporaries (e.g. Petrarch)

e life of Bernabò. Giangal. (Vita, pp. 86 sqq.) is for Giovio 'post Theodoricum omnium pr?stant

io, fol.

n the Archiv. S

. col 290.-Cagnola (loc. cit.) speaks of his designs on the imperial

tà lombarde

darle a v

amo: Cesar

uda, e l'an

col vostro m

and sqq. Comp. Ammian

, Elogia, pp. 88-92,

s, Paris and Geneva 1858, ii. pp. 200 sqq. (N. 213

Elogia, pp. 156 sqq

acchiavelli Virtù, and is quite compatible with scellera

at the hands of a man who lives in Germany, and has nothing of the Roman Emperor

is only fair to consider that dislike of the Visconti may have led to worse representa

d to Charles IV. a crusade to the Holy Land. The passage is one of the best in this poem, and in

unghi e con

i e dissi:

che'l sarac

(the Pope) mi v

, che sei vi

oi a ingrass

si a quel sofis

(Bohemia) a pian

ura di si c

hè non segui

Romani, e c

i, i Corradi,

ni questo imp

lo cuor d'e

i? o che non t

b. xii. ep. 1, ed. Fracassetti, vol. ii. p. 160): 'Simpliciter igitur et aperte ... pro mat

ecilegium Romanum, vol. i. p. 54. Comp. 150 and Pano

rese, in Murat. x

ing at Bergamo, wrote a violent satire 'in vulgus equitum auro notatorum.'

tenses, in Mura

anti-monarchical sentiments of many of the humanists of that day. Comp. the evidence given by B

g the German emperor, and calls the Germans barbarians, on account of their ignorance of the language and manners of antiq

eb. Genuens, in Mur

, in Murat. xxiv. col. 203. Comp. Pic.

de' Duchi di Venezia, in

Stor. Fiore

aso Gar. Relaz. della Corte di Roma, (in Alber

estrini, in the Introduction t

erd-Tonelli, Vita di Pi

ia) da lei (Beatr.) ebbe molto tesoro e dinari, e tutte

, see Discorsi, i. 30. After the victory he is either to hand over the army to his employer and wait quietly for his reward, or else

se he, as Prato says in Arch. Stor. iii. p. 348, aided the French too zealously in the battle of S. Donato. The Republic made itself Colleoni's heir, and after his death in 14

n Arch. Stor. i

?, Rom. 1539, (dedicated to the Cardinal Ascanio Sfo

. 1538, p. 251: Novitate gaudens Italia nihil habet stabile, n

Comment. i.

ia Bresciana, in Murat. xxi. col. 209. How the Venetian Condottiere Colleoni was tempted in 1466, is told by Malipiero Annali Veneti, Arch.

iari Sanesi, in Mu

Venet. 1492, fol. 9, in the

xxii. col. 1241. See Reumont, Lorenzo von Medici (Lpz.

n. Venet., Arch. S

ubinum, in Mura

as. Fiore

parte i. et ii., ed. Bo

paolo Baglione to submit. The latter, as Macchiavelli (Discorsi, i. c.

tor. Fiorent.

.) Jovian. Pontan. De

ing for his beloved, whose father had shut her up in a monastery he threatened the

postscript of Gir. 'ad Carolum Miltz Germanum,' in these editions without date; neither contains the passage given in the text.-In 1470 a catastrophe in minia

cap. 19, 29, and De Obedientia, l. 4. Comp. Sismondi, x. p. 78, and

rzio, Congiura dei Baroni del Regno de Napoli contro il re Ferdinando I., Pisa, 1818, cap. 29, 36, new edition, Naples, 1859, passim; Comines, Charles VIII., with the general characteristics of the Arragonese. See for further infor

he speech of a Milanese ambassador; Diari

. Isaac Abranavel, who fled with him to Messina. Com

'Quum omissis laudibus qu? in Philippo celebrand? fuerant, vitia, notaret.' Guarino praises this prince highly. Rosmino Guarini, ii. p. 75. Jovius, in the

saints in the Citadel of Milan executed by

: quod aliquando 'no

; Cagnola, in Archiv

cesci Sphorti? felicitate, by Filelfo (the ready eulogist of any master who paid him), who sung, without publishing, the exploits of Francesco in the Sforziad. Even Decembrio, the moral and literary opponent of Filelfo, celebrates Sforza's fortune in his biography (Vita F

neti, Archiv. Stor. vii

ens quiesco, ?ternum inquam facinus monumentumque ducibus, principibus, regibus, qui modo sunt quique mox futura trahantur ne quid adversus justitiam faciant dicantve; 2. A Latin letter of Domenico de' Belli, who, when eleven years old, was present at the murder; 3. The 'lamento' of Galeazzo Maria, in which, after call

etum, in Murat.

eti, Archiv. Stor. vii.

nd, certainty with oratorical decorations, but perhaps agreeing in the

iv. col. 336, 367, 369. The people

of things are clearly recognisable in those of the nov

Vinci, pp. 35 sqq., pp. 83 sqq. Here we may also mention the

nets in Trucchi,

e Arch. Stor. iii

onzaga. What follows is taken from the correspondence of Isabella, with Appendices, Archiv. Stor., append., tom. ii. communicated by d'Arco. See the same writer, Delle Arti e degli Artifici di Mantova, M

, Vita di Vittorino da Feltre, pp. 48-52. V. endeavoured to calm the ambitious youth Federigo, then his scholar, with the words: '

ow, part iii

lione, Cort

30. Also in Bembo's Works, Basel, 1566, i. pp. 529-624. In the form of a dialogue; contains amon

om the Annales Estenses, in Murat. xx

andello, i

Ferrar. l.

, ed. Flor. 1550, also an Italian

lus Jovi

eonis X. lib. i. His purpose was less serious, and directed rather to amusement and knowledge

in Murat. xxiv.

ntan. De Libera

omithi, vi. nov. 1 (

ii. 166, Vita d

of the House of Gonzaga followed

i. p. 425, entitled Elegia 17. Doubtless the cause of this death

Borso of the government of Ferrara; another (vi. nov. 10) describes Ercole's high-spirited treatment of conspirators. The two novels that treat of Alfonso I. (vi. nov. 2, 4), in the latter of which he only plays a subordinate part, are also, as the title of the book shows and as the dedication to the above-named Francesco explains more fully, accounts of 'atti di cortesía' towards knights and prisoners, but not towards women, and only the two remaining tales are love-stories. They are of such a kind as can be told during the lifetime of the prince; they set forth his nobleness and generosity, his virtue and self-restraint. Only one of them (vi. nov. 1) refers to Hercules I., who was dead long before the novels were compiled, and only on

Maximilian is rejoined, and, in spite of his signs to the contrary, respectfully saluted by his followers, and thus recognised by the peasant, who implores forgiveness for the freedom he has unwittingly taken. The emperor raises the kneeling suppliant, gives him presents, appoints him as his attendant, and confers upon him distinguished privileges. The narrator concludes: 'Dimostrò Cesare nello smontar da cavallo e con allegra ciera aiutar il bisognoso contadino, una indicibile e degna d'ogni lode humanità, e in sollevarlo con danari e privilegii dalla sua faticosa vita, aper

the above remark fairly applies to this poem, which clearly expresses the joys which Alfonso has with Drusula, and de

t. xxiv. col. 848, in reference to Niccolò the Elder, who m

in the Archiv.

on Milan after the de

et Vanitate Sci

Archiv. Stor.

Virorum Illustriu

ew, which are more circumstantial than those of any other contemporary writer of the tenth century; in the eleventh the deliverance of Messina from the Saracens, accomplished by calling in Norman Roger (Baluz. Miscell. i. p.

For what follows, ibid.

ondi, xi. 93. For the whole subject see Reumont

to, Diari Sanesi, in Murat. xxi

r a contemporary, though not Italian, apology for tyrannicide, see Kervyn de Lettenhove, Jean sans Peur et l'Apologie du Tyrannicide, in the Bulletin de l'Académie de Bruxelles, xi. (1

poem De virtute Jo. Andr. Lamponiani tyrannicid?, in which Lampugnani's deed i

in which Meg?ra and Mars, Calliope and the poet, appear as interlocutors, the assassin-not Lampugnano, but a man from a humble family of artisans-is severely blamed, and he with his fellow conspirators are treated as ordinary criminals; they are charged with high treason on account of a projected

f Olgiati: 'Quisque nostrum magis socios potissime et infinitos alios sollicitare, infestare, alter alteri benevolos se f

i. 251, note to

n removed to a newly

ferno, x

a, Archiv. Stor. i. 273. Comp. Paul. Jovius

. iv. app. 12, and often besides. Comp. Reumont, Gesch. Toscana's seit dem Ende des Florent. Freistaates, Got

e Jac. Nardi, Vita di Ant. G

ezia città nobilissima e singolare, descritta in 14 libri, Venezia, 1581, fol. 203. For the whole chapter see Johannis Baptist? Egnatii viri doctissimi de exemplis Illustrium Virorum Venet? civitatis atque aliarum gent

aratu panagiricum carmen q

altered in the reconstructio

. In the Chron. Venetum, Murat. xxiv. col. 26, the political virtues of the Ve

ir hair. See Erasmi Colloquia, ed. T

tol?, lib.

ii. pp. 661, 668, 679. Chron. Venetum, in Muratori, xxiv. col. 57. Diario Ferrare

hiv. Stor. vii. ii. p. 691.

Vite dei Duchi, Mu

enetum, Murat.

nio Grimani, who, when accused on account of his refusal to surrender the command in chief to another, himself put irons on his feet before his

. Ven. l. c

rin Sanudo, Vite dei Duchi, Murat. xxii. col. 990 (year 1426), col. 1088 (y

he first to remark that the passion for vengeanc

ro, l. c. vii

shmongers, the consumption of corn, dogs, birds of chase, the price of salt, wood, hay, and wines; also the judges, notaries, doctors, schoolmasters, copying clerks, armourers, smiths, hospitals, monasteries, endowments, and religious corporations. A list perhaps still old

o, in the Vite dei Duchi di

phlet addressed 1472 to Lorenzo de' Medici by certain Venetians, and the answer t

ates to trade is extracted in Scherer, Al

state, are meant. The latter, however, sometimes yielded

the incomes of the other Italian and European powers is

a Pauli, ii. p. 323. See also for the subject in general, Voigt, Wiederbelebung des classischen Alterthums, Berlin, 1859, pp. 207-21

do, l. c.

hronological order, and, following these lives one by one (regularly from the year

the Petrarchists. See G. Crespan, Del Petrarch

y of Jacob of Forli from the inhabitants of that place, as many miracles were wrought by it. They promised many thi

a dispute arose with the Benedictines of S. Giustina at Padua, who claimed to possess it alr

che del principe.' Egnatius, fol. 50a. For the dread f

The year 1300 is also a fixe

t 1470 in Vespas.

cholars have wished to ignore this critical onslaught, as they have done other earlier ones of the same kind, some voices have been raised to recognise the spuriousness of the document. (See especially P. Fanfani in his periodical Il Borghini, and in the book Dino Campagni Vendicato, Milano, 1875). On the earliest Florentine histories in general see Hartwig, Forschungen, Marburg, 1876, and C. Hegel in H. von Sybel's Historischer Zeitschrift, b. xxxv. Since then Isidore del Lungo, who with remarkable decision asserts its genuineness, has completed his great edition of Dino, and furnished it with a detailed introduction: Dino Campagni e la sua cronaca, 2 vols. Firenze, 1879-80. A manuscript o

torio, vi.

dition by Witte, Halle, 1863, 71; German

he Pope as well as the Emperor always in Italy. See his letter, p. 35, during the conc

at John XXII. 'astuto in tutte sue cose e massime in fare il danaio,'

rash and was imprisoned for debt. See also Kervyn de Lettenhove, L'Europe au Siècle de Philippe le

li, Stor. Fiorent. lib. ii. cap. 42, we read t

r every boy and a white one for every girl

ady a permanent fire

eo Villani

thority for the plague itself is the famous descrip

v. Villan

in Fabroni, Magni Cormi Vit

r. Med. Magnifici Vita, Adnot. 2 and 25.

intended to serve as a warning to assailants. For the whole subject see Reumont, Lor. dei Medici, ii. p. 419. The fina

edger of Ott. Nuland, 1455-1462 (Stuttg. 1843), and for a rather later pe

e des Sciences Mathé

end of the 9th book. Some obviously erroneous figures are

attered facts, which I have picked up here and there. Obvious exaggerations must be put aside. The gold coins which are worth referring to

s passed for an exceedingly rich man (Malipiero, l. c. vii. ii. p. 666. The

ats, was called 'perhaps the richest of all Italians.' (Gasp. Veroneus Vi

tion as Cardinal. His ready money alone was put at 10

n the market at Venice, see in particular Mal

dible on the authority of Francesco. Vettori. See his history in the Archiv. Stor. Append. tom. vi. p. 343)

sumes a depreciation of 50 per cent. in t

middle of the fifteenth and that at the middle of the present century is as 3 to

. Of this kind are the loans to foreign princes, in which the names of one or two houses only appear, but which were in fact the work of great companies. So too the enormous fines levied on defeated parties; we read, e.g. that from 1430 to 1453 seventy-sev

alone of his two sons Cosimo and Lorenzo left at his death (1440) as much as 235,137 (Fabroni, Laur.

of 800 florins to the Government (Vasari, ii. 114, Vita di Taddeo Gaddi). The diary of Buonaccorso Pitti (in Delécluze, Florence et ses V

statements about papal treasures and the fortunes of cardinals very trustworthy. The well-known ban

la or remolo was sold at venti soldi lo staro; in the following fruitful years the staro fetched six soldi. Bonaventura Pistofilo, p. 494. At Ferrara the rent of a ho

the vases at 4,850; the reliquaries and the like at 3,600; the library at 2,700; the silver at 7,000. Giov. Rucellai reckons that in 1473(?) he has paid 60,000 gold florins in taxes, 10,000 for the dowries of his five daughters, 2,000 for the improvement of the church of

Italiennes, xi.), in reply to whose strictures, sometimes unreasonably severe, Roscoe again came forward (Illustrations, Historical and Critical, of the Life of Lor. d. Med., London, 1822); later in Gino Capponi (Archiv. Stor. Ital. i. (1842), pp. 315 sqq.), who afterwards (Storia della Rep. di Firenze, 2 vols. Florence, 1875) gave further proofs and explanations of his judgment. See also the work of Von Reumont (Lor. d. Med. il Magn.), 2 vols. Leipzig, 1874

of Leone del Prete in the Giornale Storico degli Archiv. Toscani, iv. (1860), pp. 309 sqq. It is well known how Milan, by its hard treatment of the neighbouring cities from the eleventh to the thirteenth century, prepared the way for the foundat

ut a plan, the Gonfalonieri to choose the four best of these, and the Signory to name the best of all on the reduced list. Things, however, took a different turn, under the influe

, after the expulsion of the M

l. iii. cap. 1: 'Un Savio dator

, Stor. Fior

ormar lo Stato di Firenze,'

btless borrowed from her

ardini, terrible in its frankness, on the condition and inevitable organisation

Mayer, p. 701. To the same effect Macch

anesi, iii. p. 317. A number of small shopkeepers, excited by the study of Livy and of Macchiavelli's Discorsi, call in all ser

ion by Menken, Analecta de Calamitate Literatorum, Leipz. 1707.) The passage here meant can only be that at p. 384, from which we cannot infer what is s

f the surrender of the state to Francesco Sforza (1464), when the envoy told him that Genoa surrendered in the hope of now living safely and comfortably, see Cagnola, Archiv. S

a much later time. S

vapouring. Comp. Malipiero, Annali Veneti, Archiv. Stor. vii. i. p. 216 sqq. On every occasion cities and villages voluntarily surrendered to Venice, chiefly, it is true, those that esca

ly relations which had subsisted between France and their native city, and to recall to him that Charles the Great had delivered Florence and Italy from the barbarians (Lombards), and that Charles I. and the Romish Church were 'fondatori della par

Venetum, in Murat. xxiv. col. 5, 10, 14, 15; Matarazzo, Cron. di Perugia, Arch. Stor. xvi. ii. p. 23, no

. Commentari

153, 279, 283, 285, 327, 331, 345, 359; ii. pp. 29, 37, 101, 217, 3

l portrait, and that the words here attributed to Lorenzo are not mentioned by the French reporter, and can, in fact, hardly have been uttered. Comines, who was commissioned by Louis XI. to go to Rome and Florence, says (Mémoires, l. vi. chap. 5): 'I could not offer him an army, and had nothing with me but my suite.' (Comp. Reumont, Lorenzo, i. p. 197, 429; ii. 598). In a letter from Florence

orical perception of Dr. Burchhardt was in error as to a subject which he has studied with minute care. In an age when diplomatic lying and political treachery were matters of course, documentary evidence loses much of its weight, and cannot be take

esjardins: Négociations Diplomatiques de la France avec la Toscane (Paris, 1859), i

terally, 'Flectere si nequeo superos, Acheronta movebo;' but it is to be hoped that he di

ulis futurum auguror, ut Italia, cujus intestina te odia male habent Minos, in unius redacta ditionem resumat imperii majestatem.' And in reply to Mercury's warning a

f war to seize his opponents at a conference, is told by Nantiporto, in

of a book on the art of war, probably in the year 1463, in Baluz. Miscell. iii. 113. What Galeazzo Maria of Milan told in 1467 to a Venetian envoy, namely, that he and his

other hand, it seems only too certain that Venice prompted the Sultan to the deed. See Romanin, Storia Documentata di Venezia,

t. in Murat. xxiv

iero, l. c.

Hirsaug, ad. a. 1490,

kind existed between Alexander and Bajazet, even if the documents in Burcardus be spurious. See on the subject Ranke, Zur Kritik neuerer Geschichtschreiber,

orum, at the end of the second book, in the

Relaz. della Cort

civilisation in Italy, does not satisfy me. This mission of Spain is hinted at, perhaps for the first time, in the speech delivered by Fedra Inghira

considers the free dismissal of Alfonso as a proof of the 'liberalitas' of Filippo Maria. (S

The latter certainly upon good authority, though not without rhetori

judges as objectively as any Italian, his intercourse with Ital

te 2, and 93, note 1. Comp. Egnatius, fol. 321 a. The Pope curses an ambassador; a

larly of the end of the fifteenth century in Baluzius, Miscellanea, ed. Mansi, vol. i. See especially the collected despatches of Florentine and Venetian ambassadors

eated more fully by Max J?hns, Die K

omment. iv. p.

ee Cronaca di Cremona in the Bibliotheca Historica Italica, vol. i. Milan,

nto more, Italia milites sanguinarii et mult? c?dis avidi esse didicerant.' We are reminded of Frederick

he war of 1453, ibid. xxv. Paul Cortesius (De Hominibus Doctis, p. 33, Floren

pio ?milianus by mistake

t. Fr. Sforti?, in M

idered. Comp. Bandel

The duel of Marshal Boucicault with Galeazzo Gonzaga (1406) in Cagnola, Arch. Stor. iii. p. 25. Infessura tells u

n a mere sham-fight, in which the enemy was forced to withdraw by harmless man?uvres. The object of the combatants was to avoid bloodshed, at the

s, see Arch. Sto

d Ausbildung des Kirchenstaates. The still later works of Gregorovius and Reumont have also been made use of, and when

es of Nicholas V., see Infessura (Eccard, ii. col. 1883 sqq.) and J. Manetti, Vita Nicolai V. (Murat. iii. ii. col. 923). For the homage given to Pius II., see Diario Ferrarese (Murat. xx

mass at Easter in a sitting posture. (Jac. Volaterran. Diarium, Murat. xxiii. col. 131.) It is curious to notice how the people distinguished between the magical efficacy of th

were still more zealous than the Italians. Comp. in Paul. Jov. Vita Leonis X. (l. ii.) the scene before the battle of Ravenna, in which the Legate,

ust show the poverty of Christ as the mark of his calling, we have simply a kind of Waldensian doctrine

ling see the poem addressed to the P

s 'omnem pontificiam turbam funditus exstinguere.' The author concludes: 'Video sane, quo stent loco res Itali?; intelligo qui sint, quibus hic perturbata esse omnia conducat....' He names them 'Extrinsecus impulsores,' and is

omnium, pater ecclesi?,' &c. Valla's work was written rather earlier, and was aimed at Eugenius IV. See Vahlen, Lor. V

. pp. 208 sqq. Voigt, Ene

tina, Vit

'Venalia nobis templa, sacerdotes, altaria sacra, coron?, ignes, thura, preces, c?lum est venale Deusque.' Opera, ed. Paris,

nnales Placentini, i

us that in 1469 it had been prophesied that deliverance would come from Savona (home of Sixtus, elected in 1471) within three years. See the letter and date in Ba

eath of William I. (1127), to annex Ap

pucci, sends word of both, 'Hanno in ogni elezione a metter

rom unpublished documents, of these acts

in Fabroni, Laurentius Magn. Adnot. 217, and extracts in Rank

the immovable Ferrante. The conduct of the Pope in this affair and his participation in the second conspiracy of the

ar Infessura, in Eccard

nio Giustiniani, i. p. 60, and iii. p.

us, Lucrezia Borgia, 2 B?nd

of Este at Ferrara. The latter was compelled to form

de Itali? imperio deque pontificis statu mutando,' but soon after made up his mind to be satisfied with the personal humiliation of Alexander. The Pope, nevertheless, escaped him. Particulars in Pilorgerie, Campagne et Bulletins de la Grande Armée d'Italie, 1494, 1495 (Paris, 1866, 8vo.), where the degree of Alexander's danger at different moments is discussed (pp. 111,

ties, l. c. p. 565. A 'nipote' was splendidly entertained in Venice as papal legate, and made an enormous sum of money by selling dispensations; his serv

onnivente ... ad scelus patre,' and to the same effect Jovius, Elog. Vir. Ill. p. 302. The profound emotion of Alexander looks li

inum ne te non,

um retibus,

b-in the last passage 5) in Sannazaro on, i.e. against, Alexander. Among t

er cupiet Lu

nominis: hi

lee (see below, p. 108, note 1), there is another epigram, fol. 43 b. There are others no less sever

?sar vult dici

C?sar possit,

llection of the most original sources of evidence in Gregorovius, vii. 399-407, according to which C?sar's g

lan, vol. v. pp. 387, 393, 395, i

a, che ella (Signoria di Venezia) protegga il figliuolo, e dice voler fare tale ordine, che il papato o sia suo, ovvero della signoria nostra.' The word 'suo' can only refer to C?sar. An inst

... cui triplicem fata invidere coronam.' And in the Elegy on C?sa

Jupiter had

dri sobolem, q

tque aurea s?cl

9]

s majora parant

n some way or other he would have attempted to found a dynasty. It is not known that he took steps to regain the c

eventually on all Tuscany certainly existed, but were

of peace than of war. Petrus Alcyonius, De Exilio (1522), ed. Mencken, p. 19, says of the style of conducting war: 'Ea scelera et flagitia a nostris militibus patrata sunt qu? ne Scyth? quidem aut Turc?, aut P?ni

ate Literat. ed. Mencken, p. 282, in speaking of Gi

ds the Despatches of Giustiniani, 3 vols. Florence, 1876

nus, lib. xxii. there is a description of Alexander VI., composed under Julius II., and

arese, in Murator

ovius, Histor

n. 1, Nro. 4, and Gregorovius, vii. 497, sqq. Giustiniani does not believe in the Pope's being poi

, it was in this way that Lopez, Cardinal of Capua, for years the partner of all the Pope's secrets, came by his end; according to Sanuto (in Ranke, Pope

254; comp. Attilio Alessio, in

in Murat. xxiv. col. 133, given only as a report: 'E si giudiceva, che il Pontefice

. pp. 146-156. Trithem. Annales Hi

Contin. Plat

es erected during their lifetime. A part of the plun

uced to restore to the throne of Naples the expelled Aragonese dynasty, re

ltri.' Bibl. Hist. Ital. (1876) i. 217. It is true that when Julius, in August, 1511, lay one day for hours in a fainting fit, and was thought to be dead, the more restless members of the noblest families-Pompeo Colonna and Antimo Savelli-ventured to c

ecretal. l. i.

tori, in the Arc

d florins; the order of the Franciscans alone, whose general was made a cardinal, paid 30,000. For a notice

Append. i. p. 293 sqq. Roscoe, Leone X. ed. B

, ed è fatal che muoja Leone appresso.' Sat. 3

given in the Lettere dei Principi, i. 65, in a despat

. Vettori,

au, 1512, frequently printed in editions of his works). The address was dedicated to Pirckheimer and was again sent to him in 1517. Comp. Vir. Doct. Epist. ad Pirck., ed.

e end of the Ocean. I foresee the early fall of this spiritual monarchy.... Unless God helps us we are lost.' Whether Adrian were really poisoned or not, can

27. It is true that he found admirers and flatterers. The dialogue of Petrus

Stor. Fiorent.

Jov., Vita P

che Geschichte (4

Stor. Fioren

note, and iii. 6 sqq. It was thought that Charle

dated Carpentras, Sept. 1, 1527,

i. 72. Castiglione to the

Relaz. della Cort

d in something of the kind

Italian. And again in the Apologia contra cujusdam anonymi Galli Calumnias of t

istoria Suevorum, libri duo (in Goldast, Script. rer. Suev. 1605); for a later, Irenicus, Exegesis Germani?, Hagenau, 1518. On the

of Venice to a Florentine Agent respecting Pisa, 1496,

lare' and 'uomo unico' for the higher and

at Florence, each preferring to clothe himself in his own way. See the Canzone of F

s communement des belles femmes et moins de laides que nous; mais des rares et excellentes beautés j'estime que nous allons à pair. Et j'en juge autant des esprits; de ceux de l

Selectisque Mulieribus, Ferrara, 1497, the lives of Battista Malatesta, Paola Gonzaga, Bona Lombarda, Riccarda of Este, and the chief women of the House of Sforza, Beatric

distinguished people in the ruling parties who had died within his memory. However many mediocrities there may have been amon

there vol. i. pp. xxx.-xl., vol. ii. pp. xxxv. sqq. and vol. v. pp. 1-127. Formerly the work was generally, as in the text, attributed to Agnolo Pandolfini (d. 1446; see on him Ve

attato,

later, Cardanus (De Vita Propria, cap. 32) could ask bitterly: 'Quid est patria nisi cons

cap. 17. The spiritual unity of cultivated men, cap. 18. On home-sickne

rii Epistolae, ed. C

mentario, cap. xv. (Vasari

We see it among the Greeks after the Peloponnesian war; Plato, as Niebuhr says, was not a good citizen, and Xenophon was a bad one; Diogenes went so far as to proclaim homelessness a pleasure, and calls himself, Laertius tells us, ?πολι?. Here another remarkable work may be mentioned. Petrus Alcyonius in his book: Medices Legatus de Exilio lib. duo, Ven. 1522 (printed in Mencken, Analecta de Calam. Literatorum, Leipzig, 1707, pp. 1-250) devotes to the subject of exile a long and prolix discussion. He tries logically and historically to refute the three reasons for which banishment is held to be an evil, v

pe the spiritual life for oneself, apart from parents and ancestors. Boccaccio (De Cas. Vir. Ill. Paris, s. a. fol. xxix. b) points ou

cio, Vita di

Beatrice (Vita Nuova, p. 61) may have been more than the work of a dilettan

or Florentine culture in the fifteenth century Comp. pp. 359, 379, 401, etc. See, also, the charmi

andolfo Collenuccio, in Roscoe, Leone X. ed. Bossi iii. pp. 197

1868, esp. p. 41 sqq., and A. Springer, Abhandlungen zur neueren Kunstgeschichte, Bonn, 18

cture is made and shown to be probable that this 'Vita' is by Alberti himself. See, further, Vasari, iv. 52 sqq. Mariano Socini, if we can beli

lusian Abul Abbas Kasim ibn Firnas. Comp. Gyangos, The History of the Muhammedan Dynasties in Spain (L

minum cum quadam effectum elega

e 2) of which one part, often printed alo

tion of a beautiful road: 'Si modo mare, modo montes, modo lacum fluentem

it is expressly allowed to the Christian. Cicero's work, De Gloria, which Petrarch claimed to own, was stolen from him by his teacher Convenevole, and has

, note 2. Comp. Boccaccio, Vita di Dante, p. 49. 'Vaghissimo fu e d'onore e di

here he wishes to set forth the idea of monarchy not only in order to be useful

ed. Venezia, 15

adiso, vi

vi. 89; xiii. 53;

, 87, 133; vi. 26; viii

umore, nominanza, onore' all different names for the same thing. Boccaccio wrote, as he ad

r 'cereis' or 'certis muneribus' should be the reading, cannot be said. The somewhat

tter of Book xviii. of the Epp. Seniles; also in Fracassetti, Petr. Epistol? Familiares, 1859, i. 1-11. Some mode

specially offensive to him. Epp. Fam. i. 337, 340. In Petrarch, as in many humanists of the older gen

e.g. Bern, 1600. Compare Petrarch's famous dialogue, 'De Contemptu Mundi' or 'De Conflictu Cur

years later by the assertion of Blondus (Italia Illustrata, p. 416) that hardly even a learned ma

letter to the historian Marignola of fame as the object of every striving man. H. Friedju

xiii. 3, to Giovanni A

po Villani,

in Firenze al Pozzo Toscanelli; Di fuor sepolto a Certa

eration (comp. Ettore Conte Macola, I Codici di Arquà, Padua, 1874), and was the scene of great solemnities at the fifth centenar

96 and its grounds in

Lorenzo de' M

cio, Vita di

o Sacchetti

er a door in the Palazzo della Ragione. For details as to their discovery in 1

ow came the body of Cassius

Pius II. (Comment. x. p. 473). The new sort of fame must ha

riod (Platina, Hist. Mant. in Murat. xx. contains nothing about the matter), but later historians are agreed that the statue was not restored. See for evidence, Prendilacqua, Vita di Vitt. da Feltre, written soon after 1446 (ed. 1871, p. 78), where the destruction but not the restoration of the statue is spoken of, and the work of Ant. Possevini, jun. (Gonzaga, Mantua, 1628), where, p. 486, the pulling down of the statue, the murmurings and violent opposition of the people, and the promise given in consequence by the prince that he would restore it, are all mentioned, with the addition: 'Nec tamen restitutus est Virgilius.' Further, on March 17, 1499, Jacopo d'Hatry writes to Isabella of Este, that he has spoken with Pontano about a plan of the princess to raise a statue to Virgil at Mantua, and that Pontano cried out with delight that Vergerio, if he were alive, would be even more pleased 'che non se attristò quando el Conte Carola Malatesta persuase ab

ssler's Neueste

as notoriously a

bus Papi?, in Murat. xx., dating from the fourteenth ce

138 sqq. Only three cities, in his opinion-could

o pr?dicabant, quum virtus summa sanctitatis sit consocia et pari ematur pretio.'

6, fol. xxxviii. b), speaking of Galeazzo Bentivoglio, who was both a scholar and a warrior,

the editor remarks (Murat. xxiv col. 105

ges, beginning with Pope Joan and ending with Queen Johanna of Naples. And so at a much later time in the Commentarii Urbani of Ralph. Volaterranus. In the work De Claris Mulieribus of the Augustinian Jacobus Bergomensis (printed 1497, but probably published earlier) antiquity and legend hold the chief place, but there are still some valuable biographies of Italian women. There are one or two lives of contemporary women by Vespasiano da Bisticci (Arch. Stor. Ital. iv. i. pp. 430 sqq.). In Scardeonius (De Urb. Patav. Antiqu. Gr?v. Thesaur. vi. iii. col. 405 sqq.,) only famous Paduan women are mentioned. First comes a legend or

tter of whom he includes the Emperor Sigismund and Albrecht Achilles of Brandenburg; and in arranging the various biographies he neither follows chronological order nor the distinction which the subject of each attained, but puts them down 'ut quisque mihi occurrerit,' intending to treat in a second part of those whom he might have left out in the first. He divides the famous men into nine classes, nearly all of them prefaced by remarks on their distinctive qualities: 1. Poets; 2. Orators; 3. Jurists; 4. Physicians (with a few philosophers and theologians, as an appendix); 5. Painters; 6. Sculptors; 7. Eminent citizens; 8. Generals; 9. Princes and kings. Among the latter he treats with special fulness and care of Pope Nicholas V. and King Alfonso of Naples. In general he gives only short and mostly eulogistic biographies, confined in the case of princes and soldiers to the list of their deeds, and of artists and writers to the enumeration of thei

ful diagnoses and operations of the latter. That he treats of theologians and philosophers in connection with the physicians, is as curious as that he should put the painters immediately after the physicians, although, as he says, they are most allied to the poets. In spite of his reverence for learning, which shows itself in the prai

ity. It is a pity that Facius did not enter more fully into the personal relations and circumstances of the men w

ead, by which he enlarges his circle more than he narrows it by exclusion of the living; while Facius merely chronicles works and deeds, as if they were unknown, Cortese criticises the literary activity of his heroes as if the reader were already familiar with it. This criticism is shaped by the humanistic estimate of eloquence, according to which no man could be considered of importance unless he had achieved something remarkable in eloquence, i.e. in the classical, Ciceronian treatment of the Latin language. On this principle Dante and Petrarch are only moderately praised, and are blamed for having diverted so much of their powers from Latin to Italian; Guarino is described as one who had beheld perfect eloquence at least through a cloud; Lionardo Aretino as one who had offered his contemporaries 'aliquid splendidius;' and Enea Silvio

though we may not be able always to agree with them. We cannot here discuss him more fully, especially as many of his most characteristic remarks have been already made use of; on the whole, th

, looking on Lorenzo de' Medici as Facius looked on Alfonso of Naples; like him, he is a patriot who only praises foreign excellence unw

work; we may add that his Latin translation of the novel of L. B. Alberti, Hippolytus an

was able to give so many small and commonly unknown details about the life of this scholar, that his statement obtained general credit. He was then treated with great honour by the authorities and the learned men of the city, and played his assumed part successfully for a considerable time, until Guarino and others who knew Panormita personally discovered the fraud. Comp. Rosmini, Vita di Guarino, ii. 44 sqq., 171 sqq. Few of t

the wandering scholars who barters his song for a

t cli: Lass

lgari, vol. xvi. in Sonne

in Roscoe, Leone X.

i Politiani

Dié), 1507. Comp. O. Peschel, Geschichte des

25). The first decade of his histories would soon

n alcuna parte generosa'; 'grandezza' can take away 'infamia' from a deed; a ma

ie Fiorent

Vir. Lit. Ill. p. 192,

y, in Benzo of Alba, in the eleventh

tic tone. The whole spirit of this literature is best represented by Reineke Fuchs, in all its forms among the different nations of the West. For this branch of French literature see a new and

e 2. Occasionally we find

. The only possible para

, 70, 240, 245. The puns have a flavour of their medi?val home, the monasteries. Petrarch's invectives 'contra Gallum,' 'contra medicum objurgantem

1; Ridolfo da Ca

rver, Manetto Ammanatini, who is said to have fled into Hung

missioni di Rinaldo degli Albizzi, iii. 651, 669. The fool as necessary to

to nov. 67, there was an impression that a Ro

lla Famiglia, Opere, ed. Bonucci, v

109.) The Faceti? of Poggio resemble Sacchetti's in substance-practical jokes, impertinences, refined indecency misunder

se novels of the Italians who

a could twist his features into the likeness of

. Jov. Vit

h her philologists. Comp. the remarkable passage of Jovian. Pontanus, De Sermone, lib. ii. cap. 9: 'Ferdinandus Alfonsi filius, Neapolitanorum rex magnus et ipse fuit

used when hunting. (Comp. 'Leonis X. vita auctore anon, conscripta' in the Appendix to Roscoe.) In Attilius Alessius (Baluz. Miscell. iv. 518) we read, 'Oculari ex gemina (gemma?) utebatur quam manu gestans, signando aliquid videndum esset, oculis admovebat.' The shortsightedness in the family of the Medici was hereditary. Lorenzo was shortsighted, and replied to the Sienese Bartolo

eyond sketches and the like, though much, it is true, may have been destroyed. Caricature, again, is something different. Lionardo, in the grotesq

al gift of wit to the Sienese and Peruginese, as well as to the

rence, 1854, pp. 124 sqq. For the explanation of wit as the effect

so advises people to abstain from using 'ridicu

Casa, ed. Venez. 1

he young gentlemen in Florence soon after the middle of the fifteenth century: 'Gli stud? loro erano apparire col vestire

504) in the Anecd. Litt. i. p. 319. The scandal-monger Massaino is mentioned in Pau

disappointed. Fearfully as his reputation was mangled after his death by t

a Porta, who in 1491 wished to resign his dignity and take r

nts in the March of Aneona, which was only hindered from acting by the treason of the Duke

e table of Clement VII. is told in

ani), is transferred from Sixtus IV. to Hadrian. Comp. Lettere dei Principi, i. 114 sqq., letter of Ne

cted in Gregorovius, viii.

ed. Mencken, p. 178. 'Pestilentia qu?

Milano 1802), vol. i. p. 116,

, Sitzungsberichte der Wiener A

etiam persequi c?pisset voluntarium alii exilium, alias atque alias alii latebras qu?rentes tam diu latuere quoad Deo beneficio altero imperii anno decessit, qui si aliquanto diutius vixisset, Gothica illa tempora adversus bonas literas videbatur suscitaturus.' The general hatred of Adrian was also due partly t

You will now journey from Rome to Naples,' 'ricreando la vista avvilita nel m

d. The publicistic weapon of the German Reformation was chiefly the pamphlet dealing with events as they o

cante, a bad poet; unfortunately t

enez. 1539, fol. 12,

first Capit

, Carteggi

ttere Pittor. i. Append. 34. See above, p. 142,

3

Deo grazia,

io ha fregia

ha, che dita

tolo in lode

. Venez. fol. 29, dated Nov. 21, 1534, and the letters to Charles

s, see Gaye, Carteggi

d June 16, 1529. Comp. another remarkable let

he Inquisition, which he had ventured to attack bitterly in 1535 (l. c. fol. 37), but which, after the reor

n local references in general, the scene with the 'pastorella' under the olive-tree (p. 146), the mention of the 'pinus' as a shady field tree (p. 1

ong others, the attacks on the Italian and praise of the German clergy, the rebukes of the southerners as a 'gens proterva,' and the reference to the poet as 'transmontanus.' Who he actually was, however, is not clearly made out. That he bore the name of Walther throws no light upon his origin. He was formerly identified with Gualterus de Mapes, a canon of Salisbury and chaplain to the English kings at the end of the twelfth century; since, by Giesebrecht (Die Vaganten oder Goliarden und ihre Lieder, Allgemeine Monatschrift, 1855), with Walther of Lille or Chatillon, who passed from France into England and Germany, and thence possibly with the Archbisho

that a story often treated of in France is at the foundation. ?st. Inter. Carm. Bur. p. 67; Dum Dian?, Carm. Bur. p. 124. Additional instances:

ll the higher regions of life, is briefly sketched by ?neas Sylvi

d Leo X., as well as to Voigt, Enea Silvio (Berlin, 1856-63); to the work

matter of study in every branch of knowledge, from geography and local history, the lives of great and famous men, popular philosophy, morals and the special sciences, down to the analysis of the whole of Aristotle with which the work closes. To understand its significance as an

c body of Pallas, son of Evander, about the middle of the eleventh century. Comp. Jac. ab Aquis Imago Mundi (Hist. Patr. Monum. Script. t. iii. col. 1603), on the origin of the House of Colonna, with reference to the discovery of hidde

Convito, trat

. pp. 336 sqq. See also the collected references in L. Geiger, Petrarca, p. 272, note 3. In Petrarch we already find complaints of the many ruined and neglected building

of the city (ii. cap. 31) is not without arch?ological value (Gregorovius, vi. 697, note 1). According to Polistoro (Murat. xxiv. col. 8

Sugerius, who about 1140 was in search of lofty pillars for the rebuilding of St. Denis, thought at first of nothing less then getting hold of the grani

t 1430, shortly before the death of Martin V. The Baths of Caracalla and Diocle

7, and as collector of busts, (col. 183, and letter in Shepherd-Tonelli, i. 258). See also Ambros. Traversarii Epistol?, xxv. 4

edici. See also Gregorovius, vii. 557. For the condition of Rome under Martin V., see

in 1447, and dedicated to the P

the first Pope who published a Bull for the protection of old monuments (4 Kal. Maj. 1462), with penal

I., in Muratori, iii. ii. col. 980 sqq. Pii II. Commenta

ated edition,

metta, cap. 5. Opere,

m, ed. Mehus, Florence, 1742. Comp. Leandro A

lani (who here, as elsewhere, enlarges on the forged chronicle of Ricardo Malespini), according to which Florence, being loyally R

ii, p. 206, in

um Scriptores multa ac diversa commemorant.' The family of Plato in Milan went still farther, and nattered itself on its descent from the great Athenian. Filelfo in a wedding speech, and in an encomium on the jurist Teodoro Pl

criptores, ii. col. 1951; Matarazzo, in the Arch. Stor. xvi. ii. p. 180. Nangiporto, howev

in the hope of finding statues. Vasari, xi. p. 302,

1736 and 1769, but proved to be from the hand of Raphael by Daniele Francesconi in 1799. It is printed from

che, ii. 1, Tolomei t

ere;' music and lively conversation charmed him, and he hoped by their mean

es of Ariosto. See the first ('Perc' ho molt

eptember 1, 1522 ... 'tutti questi cortigiani esausti da Papa Leone e falliti.' Th

ook. Comp. Sannazaro's elegy, 'Ad Ruinas Cumar

commemorat,' Venice, Aldus Manutius, 1499. Comp. on this remarkable book and others, A. Didot, Alde Manuce, Paris, 1875, pp. 132-142; and Gruyer

ilgrims speak only of a cave. The poets, too, do withou

hich edition the quotations in this book are made. New edition by Bartoli, Florence, 1859. The autho

e notes of Fracassetti in the Italian translation, vol. iv. 92-101, v. 196 sqq., w

profit or amusement of rogues, are well known to have been not uncom

, ch'era in libri e murare. E l'una e l'altra fece nel suo pontificato.' With respect to his translation, see ?en

Murat. iii. ii. col. 925 sqq. On the question whether and how Calixtus III. p

as. Fior.

as. Fior.

93. Comp. Marin Sanudo, in

treated is related in Malipiero, Ann. V

ltro Duca d'Urbino,' given by C. Guasti in tbe Giornale Storico degli Archivi Toscani, vi. (1862), 127-147 and vii. (1863) 46-55, 130-154. For contemporary opin

te of the relative values of the various rare and almost unknown works contained in the library, nor is he able to state where they are now to be found. He remarks that information as to Greece is much fuller than as to Italy, which is a characteristic mark of the time. The catalogue

ano Fiorentino's catalogue of the library at Urbin

e spoken of the gnomic extracts from Menander, which do not amount to more than a couple of hundred verses, as 'tutte le opere,' nor have mentioned them in the list o

d tendency to over-colouring. In this catalogue no mention is made of the manuscript of Menander. Mai's doubt as to its existence is therefore justified. Instead of 'all the works of Pindar,' we here find: 'Pindaris Olimpia et Pithia.' The catalogue makes no distinction between ancient and modern books, contains the works of Dante (among others, Com?di? Thusco Carmine), and Boccaccio,

en im Mittelalter, 2nd. ed. Leipzig, 1875, pp. 392 sqq., 405 sqq., 505. Comp. also the poem, D

harges, since they would otherwise find no further employment (Scil. except in Italy), he can only have meant the Greek copyists, as the caligraphist

f Vespasiano's. See D'Agincourt, La Peinture, tab. 78. On German copyists in Italy, see further G. Campori, Artisti Italiani e Stranieri negli Stati Estens

pas. Fior

tor. ital. xxi. 103-106. The Bible and Commentaries on it; the Fathers of the Church; Aristotle, with his commentators, including Averroes and Avicenna

pas. Fior

which was hoped for. Comp. Libri, Hist. des Sciences Mathématiques, ii. 278 sqq. (See also the eulogy of Lor. Valla, Hist. Zeitschr. xxxii. 62.) For the printers at Rome (the first were Germans: Hahn, Pannartz, Schweinheim), see Ga

n the age of manuscripts. See Vespas. Fior. p. 65

Adnot. 212. It happened in the

anormita, 'De Dictis et Factis Alfonsi,' Append.): 'Alfonsus tanto est Socrate major quanto gravior Romanus homo quam Gr?cus putatur.' In accordance with this feeling the study of Greek was thought little of. From a document made use of below, written about 1460, it appears that Porcellio and Tomaso

, and comp. C. Voigt,

c? in eorum terras fatali commigratione transierint' (about 1450). Similarly, sixty years before (1482), Joh. Argyropulos had exclaimed, when he heard young Reuchlin translate Thucydides in his lecture-room at Rome, 'Gr?cia nostra exilio transvolavit Alpes.' Geig

486 sqq. Comp. the end o

azioni della Corte di

Greek chair at Perugia, see Arch. Stor. xvi. ii. p. 19 of the Introduction. In the case of Rimini, there is some doubt whether Greek was taught or

in the admirable work of A. F. Didot, Alde M

s études Orientales en Italie, Paris, Florence, &c., 1876. Additions by Soave in t

See

Gianozzo Manetti, scritto da Vespasiano Bis

p. 320. A. Trav. E

a, Vita Sixt

gine Hebraicarum Gr?carum Latin

s. Among them a Bible 'opus mirabile et integrum, cum glossis mirabiliter scriptus in modo avium, arborum et animalium in maximo volumine, ut vix a tribus hominibus feratur.' These, as appears from Assemanni's list, are now mostly in the Vatican. On the first printing in Hebrew, see Steinschneider and Cassel, Jud. Typographic in Esch. u. Gruber, Realencyclop. sect. ii. bd. 28, p. 34, and Catal. Bodl. by Steinschneider, 1852-60, pp. 2821-2866. It is characteristic that of the two first printers one belonged to Mantua, the other to Reggio in Calabria, so that the printing of Hebrew books began almost contemporaneously at the two extremities of Italy. In Mantua the printer was a Jewish physician, who was helped by his wife. It may be mentioned as a curiosity that in the Hypnerotomachia of Polifi

ly the substance of communications made me by Dr. M. Steinschneider, of Berlin, to whom I [Dr. Ludwig Geiger] here take the opportunity of expressing my thanks for his constant and friendly help. He has given exhaustive evidence o

its works, especially through the work Aruch of Nathan ben Jechiel (1101), a great dictionary to the Talmud, the Midraschim, and the Thargum, 'which, though not informed by a genuine scientific spirit, offers so rich a store of matter and rests on such early authorities, that its treasures have even now not been wholly exhausted,' it exercised indirectly a great influence (Abraham Geiger, Das Judenthum und seine Geschichte, Breslau, bd. ii. 1865, p. 170; and the same author's Nachgelassene Schriften, bd. ii. Berlin, 1875, pp. 129 and 154). A little later, in the thirteenth century, the Jewish literature in Italy brought Jews and Christians into contact, and received through Frederick II., and still more perhaps through his son Manfred, a kind of official sanction. Of this contact we have evidence in the fact that an Italian, Niccolò di Giovinazzo, studied with a Jew, Moses ben Salomo, the Latin translation of the famous work of Maimonides, More Nebuchim; of this sanction, in the fact that the Emperor, who was distinguished for his freethinking as much as

sch. v. 286-331, Breslau, 1867). A third, Mose Riete, born towards the end of the century, wrote works in Italian (a specimen in the Catalogue of Hebrew MSS., Leyden, 1858). In the fifteenth century we can clearly recognise the influence of the Renaissance in Messer Leon, a Jewish writer, who, in his Rhetoric, uses Quintilian and Cicero, as well as Jewish authorities. One of the most famous Jewish writers in Italy in the fifteenth century was Eliah del Medigo, a philosopher who taught publicly as a Jew in Padua and Florence, and was once chosen by the Venetian Senate as arbitrator in a philosophical dispute (Abr. Geiger, Nachgelassene Schriften, Berlin, 1876, bd. iii. 3). Eliah

died Arabian literature, and to have travelled in the East. On Arabic studies generally, Gubernatis, pp. 173 sqq. For a translation made 1341 from Arabic into Italian,

slations of the Koran appeared in 1547. In 1499 we meet with a few not very successful Arabic types i

Politian. Epistol?, l. ix. Comp. Jo. Pici, Oratio de Hominis Dignitate. For this disco

according to whom only such persons could say that they had lived (se vixisse) wh

ires des Sciences Mathé

y is poor and Fabricius disinterested. We may here remark on the chronological introduction of the Sibyls

n 1472, and soon became popular. The translations of the whole Decameron were almost

chück, Zur Characteristik des ital. Hum. im 14 und 15 Jahrh. Breslau, 1865; and in

tin verses, while for Italian the expressions 'Rimatore, Dicitore per rima,'

remi fures). In the imaginary letter to Livy, Epp. Fam. ed. Fracass. lib. xxiv. ep. 8. That Petrarch defended poetry, and how, is well known (comp. Geiger, Pe

, confines himself more strictly to poetry properly so called. And yet he only r

Epp. Senil.

uale (laurea) non scienza accresce ma è dell'

ante, p. 50. 'Sopra le fonti di San Giovanni si

e Opere Volgari, vol. xvi. p. 36: 'Si pr?

companied the poet. Boccaccio, l. c. Petrarch: Invectiv? contra Med. Pr?f. See also Epp. Fam. Volgarizzate da Fracassetti, iii. 128. For t

erran. in Murat.

rom all parts merely to see him; a Spaniard fell on his knees before him.-Vesp. p. 568. For the monument of Guarino, the magistrate of Ferrara allowed, in 1461,

ays, Vita Leonis X. l. i. The university of Florence (comp. Gaye, Carteggio, i. p. 461 to 560 passim; Matteo Villani, i. 8; vii. 90), which existed as early as 1321, with compulsory attendance for the natives of the city, was founded afresh after the Black Death in 1848, and endowed

at of the University of Pavia in 1400 (Corio, Storia di Milano, f

udo, in Murat.

ent. Magn. Adnot. 5

iari Sanesi, in Mur

d at least 500 gold florins. Comp. Fabroni, Laur. Magn. ii. 75 sqq. The neg

. 271, 572, 582, 625. Vita. Jan. M

Laste, 1774, translated by Giuseppe Brambilla, Como, 1871. C. Rosmini, Idea dell'ottimo Precettore nella Vita e Disciplina

sciplina di Guarino Veronese e de' suoi Discepoli, Brescia, 1856 (3

tten nothing. Guarino and Vittorino were friends and helped one another in their studies. Their contemporaries were fond of comparing them, and in this comparison Guarino commonly held the first place (Sabellico, Dial. de Lingu. Lat. Reparata, in Rosmini, ii. 112). Guarino's attitude with regard to the 'Ermafrodito' is remarkable; see Rosmin

00, and to King Ladislaus Postumus, p. 695; the l

Poggio, Opera, ed. 1513, fol. 102 sqq.; and a life

re untranslatable: 'A vederlo in tavola c

Ibid.

1, learned men were in the habit

, neque muscipulam vagientem sentire audireve poterat.' But the less favourable sides of Niccoli's character must not be forgotten. He robbed his brother of his sweetheart Benvenuta, roused the indignation of Lionardo Aretino by this act, and was embittered by the gi

s 'Commentario' must be distinguished from the short 'Vita' of Manetti by the same author, in which frequent reference is made to the former. Vespasiano was on intimate terms with Giannozzo Manetti, and in the biography tried to draw an ideal pi

atin and Italian, is given in Bis

the antagonism of Plato and Aristotle took place at Ferrara in 1438, between Ugo of Siena and

ssarion and his parallels between Plato and Aristotle. Ib. 223: Cusanus as Platonist. Ib. 308: The Catalonian Narciso and his disputes with Argyropulos. Ib. 571: Sing

or. p. 321. An admirab

herd, especially in the enlarged Italian translation of Tonelli (2 vols. Florence, 1825); the Correspondence of Poggio, edited by the same w

Opera, p. 526,

of princely patronage and of the indifference of many princes to their fame. See e.g. Bapt. Mantan, Eclog. v. as e

of the fifteenth century, see Gregorovius, vols. vii. and viii. For Pius II.,

payments made by Sixtus IV., comp. Pierio Valer. De Infelic. Lit. on Theodoras Gaza. He received for a translation and commentary of a work of Aristotle fifty gold florins, 'ab eo a quo se totum in

the various editions of Roscoe, Leo X. Several poets and writers, like Alcyonius, De Exilio

Elogia speaking o

Valeriano i

. Aurelius Mutius in the D

to thrust his hand blindly, is in Giraldi Hecatommithi, vi. nov. 8. On the other hand, the Latin 'improvisatori,' wh

Leone X. ed. B

see p. 93; Vita Jan. Manetti, in Murat. xx. col. 541 sqq., 450 sqq., 495. Panormita, Di

sqq. and Poggio's letter to Facius in Fac. de Vir. Ill. ed. Mehus, p. 88, where he writes of Alfonso: 'Ad oste

i. 11, vs. ii.; Jovian

polet. in Murat

q. 'Volle aver piena notizia d'og

nte, and Petrarch. The humanists who presented themselves to him with the promise 'to make hi

Jov. Vita Al

at Forli, the place was occupied by Codrus Urceus (1477-80); death-bed complaint of C. U. Opp. Ven. 1506, fol. liv.; for his stay in Forli, Sermo, vi. Comp. Carlo Malagola, Della Vita

orcellio and Tommaso Seneca; they are needy parasites, and must play the sol

ng these graves, see Keyss

ry he means all that has to do with antiquity

orentines on their secretaries ('quod honor apud Florentinos magnus habetur,' says B. Facius, speaking of Poggio's appo

8 sqq., for the often-discussed and often-misunderstood ch

Spiegel (1521) given in the reports

ame of the Secretaries, no doubt of the time of Sixtus IV. (Voigt, l. c. 552, note). The humanistic claims o

k III. was best known to ?neas Sylvius. Co

ti, Turin, 1875. Bembo's Asolani will be spoken of below; Sadoleto's significance for Latin style has been judged as follows by a contemporary, Petrus Alcyonius, De Exilio, ed. Menken, p. 119: 'Solus autem nostrorum temporum aut certe cum paucis animadvertit elocutionem emendatam et latinam esse fundamentum oratoris; ad eamque obtinendam necesse

letters of the Moor to Charles VIII. Compare the story in the Lettere Pittoriche, iii. 86 (Sebastiano del Piombo to Aretino), how Cl

f the period in general, see V

imself for writing in Italian: 'Ad Semproniu

above, pp. 164 sqq., and the note. Collections of Latin

, Sabellicus, Beroaldus, &c.; and the writings and

livered many speeches in Italian, and then afterwards wrote them out in Latin. The scholars of the fifteenth

rese, in Murat. xx

I. Comment.

r who broke down before distinguished audiences no less great. Examples of the latter

cum essent eloquentia ferme pares.' The fact that the Bishop of Arezzo was not allowed to speak in the name of the general embassy of the Italian states to t

n Sanudo, in Murat

l princess, Madonna Battista Montefeltro, married to a Malatesta, ha

o speak of the na?ve pleasure with which Pius describes his own triumphs, see Campanus, Vita Pii II., in Murat. ii

drian was right, when he told me I should be chastened for my childish idleness in learning Latin.' Paul. Jov. Vita Hadriani VI. Princes replied

ilelfo, a married layman, delivered an introductory speech in the Cathedral

ni, Cosmus,

e to Jac. Volaterranus (in Murat. xxiii. co

ions. Guarino himself delivered over fifty speeches at festivals and funerals, which are enumerated in Rosmini, Guarino, ii

f Sabellicus, Beroaldus Major, Codrus Urceus, &c. In the works of the l

however, the account p. 64, with the concluding statement that Manetti spoke better impromptu than Aretino with preparation. We are told of Codrus Urceus, whose memory was weak, that he read his orations (Vita, at the end of his works. Ven. 1506, fol. lxx.). The following passage will illustrate the exagger

. 598, where he describes how Giann

p. 32 sqq. Reports of two such speeches to soldiers; the first, b

nus Terdoceus, in his satire D

1-82. De Origine et Auctu Religionis, delivered at Verona from the pulpit

before the court, though in the absence of Sixtus IV., is mentioned. Pater Paolo Toscanella

ani, Vitae, ed.

above, p.

992. treats purposely only of the construction of sentences and the position of words. It is characteristic as an instance of the rou

at the coronation of Frederick III. in Freher-Struve, Script. Rer. Germ. iii. 4-19. Of Manetti's oration at the burial of Lion. Aretino, Shepherd-Tonelli says (Poggio, ii. 67 sqq.)

acentini, in Mur

avonarole, i. p. 163. The shorthand writers, however, could not always follow him, or, indeed,

9, fol. xviii.-xxi). The most remarkable thing in it is the flourish at

nales Placentini, written by his father Antonius and continued by himself, in Murat. xx.

eraria: 'Tenemus adhuc (after the leadership in philology had passed to the Germans) sincerae et constantis eloquentiae munitam arcem,' etc. The whole passage

l more Pontano, copied from Lucian. Their example stimulated Erasmus and Hutten. For the tre

elow, part

the epigram

udat, damnat du

civis, nec bon

i VIII. Hist. in Eccard

he writers in the decline of antiquity, who also severed themselves from their own age. Comp. Burckhardt, Die Zeit C

Arag.; in opposition to him, Giacomo Zeno in the Vita Caroli Zeni, Mu

xxi. the intellectual world begins in the fourteenth century. He is the same writer whose

ally his critical investigation of the Austrian Chart

e whole Papal court, and of a great concourse of strangers from all parts.

are as follows: 'Eia ergo bono animo esto; ego graecas litteras tibi exponam; et praecipue divinum Homerum, a quo ceu fonte perenni, ut scribit Naso, vatum Pieriis ora rigantur aquis. Ab Homero grammaticum dicere poteris, ab Homero rhetoricam, ab Homero medicinam, ab Homero astrologiam, ab Homero fabulas, ab Homero historias, ab Homero mores, ab Homero phi

ucted in the Ethics of Aristotle. Comp. Gaspar. Ver

in general, a speech of Hermolaus

nn. Bonon. in Mura

intained. Neither Zunz, Namen der Juden, Leipzig, 1837, reprinted in Zunz Gesammelte Schriften, Berlin, 1876, nor Steinschneider in his collection in Il Buonarotti, ser. ii. vol. vi. 1871, pp. 196-199, speaks of any Jew of that period who bore these names, and even now, according to the enquiries of Prince Buoncompagni from Signer Tagliacapo, in charge of the Jewish archives in Rome, there are only a few who are named Asdrubale, and none Amilcare o

5

nome i buon gi

glio t' abbia

lo studio d

had certainly given a harmonious n

f Bojardo, which are i

s devocati!' The honest canon, Tizio, who, in all seriousness, pronounced a

postponendum.' According to Boccaccio, Vita di Dante, p. 74, 'Many wise men' even then discussed the question why Dante had not written in Latin. Cortesius (De hominibus doctis, p. 7) c

t unknown, and, valuable as it is to us, could never

ences here and there in his writings, and to read Latin letters (ibid. 96, 165). In reference to this exclusive regard for Latin, the following passage may be quoted from Petr. Alcyonius, De exilio, ed. Menken, p. 213. He says that if Cicero could rise up and behold Rome, 'Omnium maxime illum credo perturbarent ineptiae quorumda

ones of the elder Beroaldus, where there are two tales of Boc

shades below. Opera, p. 704 sqq. See also p. 372 in the work

tical purism prevalent in Rome is giv

orm (an sich). The same Codrus Urceus, who found in Homer the sum of all science (see above, p. 249, note 1) says (Opp. ed. 1506, fol. lxv.): 'Quidquid temporibus meis a

doct. vir. p. 187 sqq.

in a hurry, objected to write his letters in Latin. Comp. Raph. Volat. Comment. urban. l. xxi. Politian to Cortesius (Epist. lib. viii. ep. 16): 'Mihi vero longe honestior tauri facies, aut item

It is well known that Giovio was long anxious to undertake the great work which Vasari accomplished. In t

. de' Rosi, composed by Sadoleto, in

ii. ii. col. 1031. The plays of Seneca and Latin

Isabella Gonzaga took the liberty of finding him dull. For Latin comedy in general, see R. Peiper in Fleckeisen and Masius, Neue Jahrb. für Phil. u. P?dag., Lpzg.

t. Gesch. der Renaiss

ul. Jov. Elogia; Lil. Greg. Gyraldus, De poetis nostri te

Corradini (Padua, 1874). In 1874 two Italian translations also appeared by G. B. Gaudo an

llani, Vite, ed.

pera, epp. fol. 125, 134 sqq.) the former, to be the greater. For Scipio and Hannibal in the miniatures of Attavante, see Vasari, iv. 41. Vita di Fiesole. The names of both

ere rural life is treated realisti

erio Valeriano followed out the myth in his poetry. See his Carpio, in the Deliciae poetarum Ital

der neulateinischen Poesie. Leutkirch and Leipzig, 1875. See furthe

e sacri

in his eigh

fo. On the latter, see Favre, Mélanges d'Hist. Lit. i. 156; on the former, see Rosmini, Filelfo, ii. 157

yle, xii. 130. The poem of Angilbert on the Court of Charles the Gr

p. 31 sqq. 'Caesaris Bo

6

derat, flammis l

labes, Dis Jupp

her shortly before or shortly after the composition of this poem. 'N

Scriptores by Schardius, Freher,

, Murat. xxv. We may quote as a parallel the Teuerdank and other northern works in rhyme (new ed. of that by Haltaus, Quedlinb. and Leipzig, 1836). The popul

that all the really poetical and enjoyable passages are directly or indirectly borrowed from

ules II. of Ferrara. In the dedication occur the remarkable words: 'Nam quem alium patronum in tota Italia invenire possum, cui musae cord

ich purported to be by an author Lepidus,

66, note 2) of the introduction to

s has been noticed at p. 57. On a more serious occasion, comp. Sannazaro's El

6

ntos tolera

torum homin

ecto salie

ere

4^o. The few 'Carmina' are to be found partly or wholly in the Delicia

tten more than a century earlier (1353) in Petr

tri to Christ, the Virgin, and all the Saints, that they would long spare this 'numen' to e

ri e Latine, ed. by Pieran

cio, Vita di

with such forgeries: 'Sint vetera haec aliis, m? no

i urbe Venetiis'

is Venetam Nep

et toto pone

jas quantum vis

la tui m?nia

praefers, urbem

dices, hanc

e de'princip

ii. i. p. 508. At the end we read, in refer

vitulos animosa

ferno victim

nother book in the possession of the Augustinians in which were sonnets. So contagious was the habit of affixing poems, that the group had to be protected by a railing, and even hidden altogether. T

he great number of the epigrammatists, see Lil. Greg. Gyraldus, l. c. One of the most biting pens was Marcantonio Casanova. Among the less known, Jo. Thomas Muscanius (see Deliciae) deserves mention. On Casanova, see Pier. Valer. De infel. lit. ed

te de'duchi di Venezia, Murat

ntor a certain Odaxius of Padua, living about the middle of the fifteenth century. Mixed ve

ey were very soon printed with both th

o, Satira, v

iq. in Graev. thes. vi. 3, col. 276. For the similar case of Cecchino Bracci, d. 1445 in his fifteenth year, comp. Trucchi, Poesie Ital. inedite, iii. p. 229. The father of Cardano tried 'memoriam artificialem instillare,' and taught him, when still a child,

an. De calamitati

Opp. ed. Basil. 1580, ii. 422-445. Dedications 1540-1541; the work its

dication is a striking evidence of the firs

ave seen, for the last p

leaving Rome, lived long in a good position as professor at Padua. At the end of his work he exp

sqq., especially 93 sqq., where Petru

397 sqq., 402. He was t

he Seventh Book of the Epistles, No. 27, letter to Jacob Zie

aphy in the Elogia of Paolo Giovio, p. 76 sqq. The former appeared separa

Muratori. xxiii. col. 161, 171, 185

De Romanis piscib

Epist. 106, of

ist. 10 and 12, in Mai,

e middle of the century. Comp. Lil. Gr

bo, in which there is a sketch of earlier I

found in ?neas Sylvius, Europae status sub Frederico III. Imp. cap. 44 (in Fre

r Erdkunde, 2nd edit., by Sophus Ruge

om his fancy, is clearly shown, e.g., by his description of Basel. Yet his merit on the whole is nevertheless great.

tries. See Wieser: Der Portulan des Infanten Philipp II. von Spanien in Sitzungsberichte der Wien. Acad. Phil. Hist. Kl. Bd. 82 (1876), pp. 541 sqq. For the different Italian maps and voyages of discovery, see the excellent work of Oscar Peschel: Abhandl. zur Erd-und V?lkerkunde (Leipzig, 1878). Comp. also, inter alia: Berchet, Il planisfero di Giovanni Leandro del'anno 1452 fa-simil nella grandezza del' original Nota illustrativa, 16 S. 4^o. Vene

Sciences Mathématiques en

t of collecting observations, in other than the mathematical sciences, would n

der Cosmographie, Graz, 1876. The passages bearing on geography and natural science from the Tesoro of Brunetto Latini are published

investigation; his statue was burnt. On Giov. Sang. see op. cit. col. 228 sqq. Comp. on him, Fabricius, Bibl. Lat. s. v. Petrus

low, part vi

y be that a people so highly gifted did not devote more of its strength to the natural scien

the thorough investigation by C. Malagola in his wo

gn countries, e.g. Angelo, of Florence, a contemporary

printed as Appendix No. 58 to Roscoe's Life of Lorenzo. A

ed in the Poemata aliquot ins

a. 1194. That of Henry I. of England in the park of Woodstock (Guliel. Malmes. p. 63

te, Inf. xxxiii. 22. The falcon in Boccaccio, Decam. v. 9. See for the whole subject: Due trattati del governo e delle infermità d

, in 1459, in an enclosed space on the Piazza della Signoria, bulls, horses, boars, dogs, lions, and a giraffe were turned out together, but the lions lay down and refused to attack the other animals. Comp. Ricordi di Firenze, Rer. Ital. script. ex Florent. codd. tom. ii. col. 741. A different account in Vita Pi

worse still if they killed one another. Com. Varchi, Stor. fiorent. iii. p. 143. Matt. V. devotes the first of

tam habent, hique in G?tulorum regionibus nascuntur et Indorum, in quibus multitudo dictorum animalium evalescit, sicuti prohibent naturales. Et cum leonum complexio sit frigoribus inimica, quod natura sagax ostendit, natura in regionibus aestu ferventibus generantur, necessarium est, quod vostra serenitas, si dictorum animalium vitam et sobolis propagationem, ut remur, desiderat, faciat provideri, quod in locis calidis educentur et maneant. Conveniunt nempe cum

rds for hunting hares, which were started by little dogs. See v. Kobel, Wild

ing (so says the poet) his master. Comp. the words fol. 188, 'et inclusis condita septa feris,' and fol.

ound in Petrarch, De remed. utriusque fortunae, but less clearly expressed. Here Gau

ardinal of Aquileja, at Albano, there were, in 1463, peacocks and Indian

, ap. Muratori,

were no elephants in Italy. 'Itaque et in Italia avorum memoria unum Frederico Romanorum pr

belais, Pantagruel, iv. chap. 11. Lorenzo the Magnificent received a giraffe from Egypt through some merchants, Baluz. Miscell. iv. 416. The elep

Milan in this respect, see Bandello, Parte II. Nov. 3 and 8. In the narrative poems we a

Elogia, speaking

110: Document on the sale of a female Circassian slave (1427); Adn. 141: List of the female slaves of Cosimo.-Nantiporto, Murat. iii. ii. col. 1106: Innocent VIII. received 100 Moors as a present from Ferdinand the Catholic, and gave them to cardinals and other great men (1488).-Marsuccio, Novelle, 14: sale of slaves; do. 24 and 25: negro slaves who also (for the benefit of their owner?) work as 'facchini,' and gain the love of the women; do. 48 Moors from Tunis caught by Catalans and sold at Pisa.-Gaye, Carteggio, i. 360: manumission and reward of a negro slave in a Florentine will (1490).-Paul. Jov. Elogia, sub Franc. Sfortia; Porzio, Congiura, iii. 195; a

on on the slave-trade; p. 270, a remarkable document on the buying and selling of a female slave; p. 282, a list of various slaves (with the place were they were bought and sold, their home, age, and price) in the thirteenth and three following centuries. A treatise by Wattenbach: Sklavenhandel im Mittelalter (Anzeiger für Kunde der deutschen Vorzeit, 1874, pp. 37-40) refers only in part to Italy: Clement V. decides in 1309 that the Venetian prisoners should be made slaves of; in 1501, after the capture of Capua, many Capuan women were sold at Rome for a low price. In the Monum. historica Slavorum meridiona

r the reader to the famous chapters

rvations of Wilhelm Grimm, quoted

, p. 162, De Phyllid

he parts of his supernatural world shows a remarkable sense of form and space. That there was a belief in the existence of hidden treasures on the tops of mountains, and that

ogia deorum, xiv. 11, is of importance, where he enumerates a number of rural beauties-trees, meadows, brooks, floc

at.) iii. 476. On Petrarch's plan of writing a great geographical work, see the proofs given by A

a solitaria (Opera, ed. Basil, 1581), esp. p. 241, where he

et flumina, inter libros et maximorum hominum ingenia respiro, quamque me in ea, quae ante sunt, cum Apostolo extendens et praeterita o

ne sacro.' Comp. Itinera

Levante: 'colles asperitate gratissima et mira fertilitate conspicuos

reat natural events: A Storm at Naples, 1343: Epp. fam. i. 263 sqq.; An Eart

m. ed. Fracasse

ttamondo, i

quotes on this point Pelzel, Carl IV. p. 456. (The two other passages, which he quotes, do not say the same.) It is possible that the Emperor took this fanc

s; nil habuit ficti, nil simulati'-an enemy of hypocrisy and superstition, courageous and consistent.

pring of Vicovaro; l. viii. p. 378: the neighbourhood of Viterbo; p. 387: the mountain monastery of St. Martin; p. 388: the Lake of Bolsena; l. ix. p. 396: a splendid description of Monte Amiata; l.

pose it to have been

allusion to his name: 'Silvarum

ve, p. 132, note 1), is delighted when in the country with 'the bushy hills,' 'the fair plains and rushing waters.' Mention may here be made of a little work ?tna, by P. Bembus, f

of this kind in Ariosto; his

tural framework, and in this modern decorati

oriche, iii. 36, t

, l. vi. fol. 183; in the poem: 'Hort

ing: Dürer, Leipz

taken from the seventh volume of Mi

te di Roma, i. pp. 278 and 279. I

py' as well as 'bringing misfortune.' For the influence of the planets on h

Poesie Italiane ine

edication of his Sofonisba to Leo X., expressed the hope that the Pope would recognise this style for

a Nuova, ed. Witte, p. 13 sqq., 16 sqq. Each has twenty i

hi, op. cit

iver sang and parodied-which made Dante not a little angry. (Comp. Franco Sache

tte, pp. 81, 82 sqq. 'De

. iv. is one of the most important passages. See al

ove the contrary for the North. They remained for a lo

See M. Landau, Giov. Boccaccio (Stuttg. 1877), pp. 36-40; he

st of Venus, Opp. ed. Montier, vol. xv. 2. p. 67 sqq. Co

ezza di cuore abbino avanzanto di gran lunga i nostri Italiani;' but he says it at the beginning of a novel which contains the sentimental story of the invali

e received flattery enough from th

view taken by Gregorovi

illustr., in Tiraboschi, tom. vii. iv. L

Comp. Gregorovius, Lucrezia Borgia, i. 256-266, ed. 3. In the French Mystères the actors

casions, that the performances sometimes lasted till three o'clock in the morning, and were even given in the open air. The ballets were without any meaning or reference to the persons present and the occasion solemnized. Isabella G

n the fourth book of the ?olostic

iens rerum arg

opulum verba d

bitu formaque

ctant lumina

rara in 1486, at the cost of more

da moderni. Alle quali per la fama degli apparati concorrevano le genti estere e circonvicine per vederle e udirle. Ma hoggi le feste da particolari si fanno fra i parenti et essen

l. 168, when he complains that the 'recitanti' ruined th

ansovin

sages is as follows: 'Hinc ad recitandas com?dias socii scenici et gregales et ?muli fuere nobiles juvenes Patavini, Marcus Aurelius Alvarotus quem in com?diis suis

nd, 1501: 'Il duca Hercole fece una festa di Menechino secondo il suo uso.' Murat. xxiv. col. 393. There cannot b

the giant Margutte (Morgante, canto xix. str. 153 sqq.). The critical intro

ce in 1481. Last ed. by P. Sermolli, Florence, 1872. For the tournaments, see part v. cha

inamorato was firs

liberata da G

be observed that the work of Boccaccio here mentioned was written before 1344

, in the Commentary to

ur present taste could di

rst edit

inserted are them

with Pulci, Morgante,

andino, first

e admirable Vita Henrici IV. contains very little personal descr

lection of the lives of the Popes (Liber Pontificalis) was formerly ascribed to him,

tasius; author of a history of the bish

rlier. Besides the life of Charles the Great, written by Eginhard, examples from the twelfth century are offered by William of Malme

le criticism in Landa

n old Italian translation has been often printed since 1747, last at Trieste, 1858. The first book, which treats of the earliest history of Florence and Rome, has never been printed

given above (p. 136), and to the numerous Florentine biographies in Muratori, in the Archi

ina, ed. F. L. Polid

garter liter. Vereins, No. i. Stuttg. 1839. Comp. C. Voigt,

num from 1472 to 1484,

rus Crinitus, fol. 14), De illustratione urbis Florentinae libri tres, Paris, 1583, deserves mention, esp. lib. 2.

ta Philippi Mariae Vicecomitis,

e above,

onged residence of some of them in Italy, and their diligent and often most successful study of the classical world, acquired little or nothing of the gift of biographical representation or of the analysis of characte

ee abov

of the chronicle of Barth. Sastrow, and the Sabbata of Joh. Kessler, introduce us to the inward conf

r comparison that of Agrippa d'Aubigné (though belonging to a lat

rdano as an investigator and discoverer, see Li

n, who had taken vengeance for his wife's

ato,' of a 'compendio,' of an 'esortazione,' and of a 'let

illa of Codevico men

onymous work, De laudibus Papiae, of the fourteenth century. Also (in Murat. i.) Liber de Situ urbis Mediol. Some notices on Italian local history in O. Lorenz

aris, 1863, pp. 179-180. Comp. ibi

to his successor a hundred years later, see Dittamondo, iv. cap. 18. The contrast b

ription of Rome, by Signorili (MS.), was written in the pontificate of Martin V. (1417); see Gregorovius, vii

Bergamasque, full of curiosity and suspicion, is c

nth book of the Storie Fiore

times mother nature is praised loudly enough, as in the sonnet of Alfons

archi! e più

i virtudi

e 'l natural,

a explicantur multaque alia scitu non indigna. Autore Philal

ores varios qua

fert Itala

imus, mulierum

xili codice l

on whether women are equal or inferior to men. The work has been made use of in various passages below. The following extract may serve as an example (fol. 7 b sqq.):-'Aperiam nunc qu? sint in consilio aut dando aut accipiendo dissimilitudo. Pr?stant consilio Mediolanenses, sed aliorum gratia potius quam sua. Sunt nullo consilio Genuenses. Rumor est Venetos abundare. Sunt perutili consilio Lucenses, idque aperte indicarunt, cum in tanto totius Itali? ardore, tot hostibus circumsepti suam libertatem, ad quam nati videntur semper tutati sint, nulla, quidem, aut capitis aut fortunarum ratione habita. Quis porro non vehementer admiretur? Quis callida consilia non stupeat? Equidem quotiescunque cogito, quanta prudentia ingruentes procellas evitarint, quanta solertia impendentia pericula effugerint, adducor in stuporem. Lucanis vero summum est studium, eos deludere qui consilii captandi gratia adeunt, ipsi vero omnia inconsulte ac temere faciunt. Brutii optimo sunt consilio, sed ut incommodent, aut perniciem afferant, in rebus qu? magn? deliberationis dictu mirum quam stupidi

th of a mysterious grey-haired sage, a journey is described from Sicily through Italy to the East. All the cities of Italy are more or less fully discussed: that Lucca should receive special praise is intelligible from the writer's way of thinking. Venice, where he claims to have been much with Pietro Aretino (p. 166), and Milan are described in detail, and in connexion with the latter the maddest stories are told (fol. 25 sqq.). There is no want of such elsewhere-of roses which flower all the year round, stars which shine at midday, birds which are changed into men, and men with bulls' heads on their shoulders, mermen, and men who spit fire from their mouths. Among

zione di tut

neide, Phantas. ii. For France, Rabelais, who knew the Macaroneide, is the

See e.g. in Sidonius Apollinaris the descriptions of a Visigoth king (Epist. i. 2), of a

ippo Villani

trale, Lipsia, 182

(Ameto, Venezia, 1856, p. 54): 'Del mezo de' quali non camuso naso in l

ro movimento.' The whole work

Florence, 1715), does not tell us as many details of this famous hand of his b

y as a sign of beauty of soul, comp. vol. ii. pp. 48 to 52, in the 'ragionamenti' prefixed to his novels. Among the many who

ion, not only the professional

l. 85-88). The power of her glance is described in a manner only explicable in an artistic age, and which would not now be permitted. Sometimes it turns the behol

tuitu c?cus e

g in her halls is said to hav

giado saxif

so-called Eros of Praxiteles or that of Michelang

cello Filosseno, only mild and lofty, 'mansueto e

e fact that the appearance of the temples can be altogether changed by the arrangement of the hair, Firenzuola makes a comical attack on the overcrowding of t

nger,' see Falke, Die deutsche Trac

racy of his sense

, xxi. 7; Pur

) that he kept at his court a sort of buffoon, the Florentine Greco, 'hominem certe cu

I. Comment.

is treated in the poem of Luca Pulci, ed. Ciriffo Calvaneo di Luca Pulci Gentilhuomo Fiorentino, con la Giostra del Magnifico Lorenzo de' Medici. Florence, 1572, pp. 75, 91; the second in an unfinished poem of Ang. Poliziano, best ed. Carducci, Le Stanze, l'Orfe

Castiglione's Eclogue from a Roman MS. Lettere del conte B.

telligible, borrowed really or apparently from the languages of the foreign mercenaries. Macchiavelli's description of Florence during t

e addressed to Joh. de Virgiliis. Comp. Fraticelli, Opp. min. di Dante, i. 417. Petrarch's bucolic poem in P. Carmina minora,

up the character. One of his nymphs is a good Catholic, and prelates shoot glances of unholy love at her in Rome. Another

that of the peasantry anywhere else in Europe. Comp. Sacchetti, nov. 88 and

of the Monte Baldo and the Val. Cassina, who could turn their hands to anything. Some country populati

learned Vesp. Bisticci says (Comm. sulla vita di Giov. Manetti, p. 96): 'Sono due ispezie di uo

Il Cortigiano, l. ii. fol. 54. A. Pandolfini (L. B. Alberti) in the Trattato del governo della famiglia, p. 86, is an instance of a land-owner who con

ontan. De forti

, wife of the Condottiere Pietro Brunoro-is known to us from J

rne at the present time, must be gathered from special works which we have not had the opportunity of consulting. In stormy times the country people were apt to have appalling relapses into savagery (Arch. Stor. xvi. i. pp. 451 sqq., ad. a. 1440; Corio, fol. 259; Annales Foroliv. in Mu

ater. In the heading to the tenth are the words, 'post religionis ingressum;' in that of the seventh, 'cum jam autor ad religionem aspiraret.' The eclogues by no means deal exclusively with peasant life; in fact, only two of them do so-the sixth, 'discept

thal, only depict peasant life in so far as the knight chooses to mix with it for his amusement. The peasants reply to the ridicule of Reuenthal in songs of their o

e di Lor. M

arate ed. Florence, 1493. The didactic poem of Rucellai, Le Api, first print

di Lor. Magni

and of the manners of different districts

anus te posui, tibi illam praefinies. Medium te mundi posui ut circumspiceres inde commodius quidquid est in mundo. Nec te caelestem neque terrenum, neque mortalem neque immortalem fecimus, ut tui ipsius quasi arbitrarius honorariusque plastes et fictor in quam malueris tute formam effingas. Poteris in inferiora quae sunt bruta degenerare, poteris in superiora quae sunt divina ex tui animi sententia regenerari. O summam dei patris liberalitatem, summam et admirandam hominis felicitatem. Cui datum id habere quod optat, id esse quod velit. Bruta simulatque nascuntur id secum afferunt, ut ait Lucilius, e

eculiar philosophy of Pico, and the praise of, the Jewish Cabbalah. On Pico, see above, p. 202 sqq.; and below; part. vi. chap. 4. More than two hundred years before, Brunetto Latini (Tesoro, lib. i. cap. 13, ed. Chabaille, p. 20) had said:

o the fall of Lucif

ng in their castles in the country struck the other It

pts, and among them the best, belonged to Florentine artisans. If it had

De monarchia,

so, xvi. at

3): 'De ce (la vertu) nasqui premierement la nobleté de gentil gent, non pas de ses ancêtres;' and he warns men (lib. ii. p. ii. cap. 196, p. 440)

. Aristotle's view is expressly combat

ts. See the severe passages in ?n. Sylvius, Opera, pp. 84 (His

ii. nov. 7; Joviani Pontani Antonius, where the decline of energy

y when J. A. Campanus adds to the statement of Pius II. (Commentarii, p. 1), that as a boy he had helped his poor parents in their rusti

rebukes of mésalliances, is of importance (parte i. nov. 4, 26; parte iii. nov.

ces (De Incert. et Vanit. Scient. cap, 80), the bitterness of which exceeds anything to be met with elsewhere, and is due to the social ferment then prevailing in the North. A passage at p. 213 is as follows: 'Si ... nobilitatis primordia requiramus, comperiemus hanc nefaria perfidia et crudelitate partam, si ingr

brini, Nap. 1874, p. 220). The first

9. In North Italy the Spanish rule brought about the same r

he rich should not try to increase their inherited fortune, but should spend their whole

etti, nov. 153. Co

la cavaller

ilvio (Hist. Fried. III. ed. Kollar, p. 294) finds fault with t

nce claimed the right of conferring knighthood. On the ceremonies

es illis spectantibus impendebat.' Politian writes to Joh. Picus of the cavalry exercise of his pupils (Aug. Pol. Epist. lib. xii. ep. 6): 'Tu tamen a me solos fieri poetas aut oratores putas, at ego non minus facio bellatores.' Ortensio Landi in the Commentario, fol. 180, tells of a duel be

seeing a knight fall at a tournament in Naples. For legal prescriptions as to the tournament at Naples, see Fracassetti's Italian translation of Petrarch

he Orlandino (ii. str. 7), of a tournament under Charlemagne: 'Here they

ter of finance under Charles VII., gave a tournament of donkeys in the courtyard of his palace at Bourges (about 1450

their blows are sturdy and scientific. Bojardo, too, writes for those who understand the tournament and the art of war. Comp. p. 323. In earlier Florentine history we read of a tournament in honour of the king of France, c. 1380, in Leon. Aret., Hist. Flor. lib. xi. ed. Argent, p. 222. The tournaments at Ferrara in 1464 are mentioned in the Diario Ferrar. in Murat. xxiv. col. 208; at Venice, see Sansovino, Venezia, fol. 153 sqq.; at Bologna in 1470 and after, see Bursellis,

lione. Il Cortigia

us Gravina, Alex. Achillinus, Balth. Cas

, Il Galat

'Proveditori alle pompe' at Venice established 1514. Extracts from their decisions in Armand Baschet, Souvenirs d'une Mission, Paris, 1857. Prohibition of gold-embroidered garments in Venice, 1481, which had fo

potest, coerceri non potest, quanquam mutari vestes sic quotidie videamus, ut quas quarto ante mense in deliciis habebamus, nunc repudiemus et tanquam veteramenta abjiciamus. Quodque tolerari vix potes

, 320, 376, sqq., in which the last German fashions are spoke

ies tantum perdere, neque illa in exhausta depraedandi libidine tantum expilare, quin a re familiari adhuc belle parati fiant atque ita vestiant quemadmodum decere existimant. Et certe nisi illa Antonii Levae studia egregios quosdam imitatores invenisset, meo quidem judicio, nulli cederent. Neapolitani nimium exercent in vestitu sumptus. Genuensium vestitum perelegantem judico neque sagati sunt neque togati. Ferme oblitus eram Venetorum. Ii togati omnes. Decet quidem ille habitus adulta aetate homines, juvenes vero (si quid ego judico) minime utuntur panno quem ipsi vulgo Venetum appellant, ita

nis advect

io, non concha au

e subject in Falke, Die deutsche Tr

of the plague). In the celebrated edict on fashions of the year 1330, embroidered figures only were allowed on the dresses of women, to the exclusion of those which were painted (dipinto

somewhat obscure passage. For an instance of false teeth made of ivory, and worn, though only for the sake of clear articulation, by an Italian prelate, see Anshelm,

ol. 1874: Allegretto, in Murat. xxiii. col. 8

per forza di sole.' Comp. p. 89, and the rare works quote

Bern. Giambullari, 'Per prendere moglie' (pp. 107-126), we can form a conception of

sto, Sat. iii. 202 sqq.; Aretino, Il Marescalco, atto ii. scena 5; and several passages in the Ragionament

for the purpose of mysteries or masquerades, since, in cap. 162, he solemnly warns his readers against the

over promises to bring his beloved cosmetics from the tow

Governo della Famiglia, p. 118. He con

in Murat. xxii. col. 87.

mati che l'altro di mi mandaste a donare." Some objects

e of Donato Acciajuoli, and p. 625, in the l

of German cunning. The Italian humanists are full of attacks on the German barbarians, and especially those who, like Poggio, had seen Germany. Comp. Voigt, Wiederbelebung, 374 sqq.; Geiger, Beziehungen zwischen Deutschland und Italien Zeit des Humanismus in Zeitschrift für deutsche Culturgeschichte, 1875, pp. 104-124; see also Janssen, Gesch. der deutschen Volkes, i. 262. One of the chief opponents of the Germans was Joh. Ant. Campanus. See his works, ed. Mencken, who delivered a discourse 'De Campani odio in Germanos.' The hatred of the Germans was strengthened by the conduct of H

lled with aversion for all barbarians. Boccaccio, De claris Mulieribus, in the article 'Carm

ntion of the German education. Maximilian could not be ind

f Baccano: 'Pauca sunt mapalia, eaque hospitia faciunt Theutonici; hoc hominum genus

ce, outside the Porta San Gallo, there was one of the largest and most splendid inns then known, but which served, it seems, only as a place of amusement for the people of the city. Varchi, Stor. Fior. iii.

oem of Grobianus, &c., and poems on behaviour at table, where, besides descriptions of bad habits, rules are

fol. 96. The Florence practical jokes kept their ground tenaciously. See, for evidence, th

iages with four, and numberless others with two, horses, many of them carved an

parte i. nov. 3,

i Dante, p. 77, it was written shortly before his death. He mentions in the Convito the

fol. 14 sqq.), whether in earlier times the language of the people and of scholars was the same. Lionardo maintains the negative; Poggio expressly maintains the affirmative

works, and in literature generally. The relations between the dialects and a more or less impure Latin, which served as the official language, would also be discussed. The modes of speech and pronunciation in the different cities of Italy are noticed in Landi, Forcianae Quaestiones, fol. 7 a. Of the former he says: 'Hetrusci vero qu

t to be by Dante,

tten long before this in Piedmont-but very

prince of Naples against the use of it (Jov. Pontan. De Principe). The last Bourbons were notoriously less scrupulous in this respect.

f the writer. The opposition to Petrarch and Boccaccio is very curious (Dante is not once mentioned). We read that Politian, Lo

in Milan, which at the time of the French (1500 to 1512, 1515 to 1522) was called Rue Belle, now bears the name Rugabella. The long Spanish rule has left almost no traces on the language, and but rarely the name of some governor i

to the discourse on female beauty, and ii.

other Lombard, the before-mentioned Teofilo Folengo in

of Bembo. See the letter of Claud. Tolomai, in Firenzuola, Opere, vol. ii. append. p. 231 sqq. Bu

Spanish ceremonies and compliments, Lutheranism and gluttony had been gaining ground in Italy. With moderati

le. Macchiavelli's Capitoli for a circle of pleasure-seekers (Opere minori, p. 407) are a ludicrous caricature of these social

ken about 10 or 11 o'clock. S

. p. 309, calls the ladies '

tters in A. v. Reumont's Briefe heiliger und gott

rte i. nov. 1, 3, 21, 30, 44

(the Symposium); 291 (the Hawking-Party). Roscoe,

meeting in the Via Faenza all his good friends coming back from the country more or less tipsy. There is a most comical picture in the eighth chapter of Piovanno

ircle at the beginning of the sixteenth centu

l. ii. fol. 53. See

the teachers of gymnastics) operam dare, luctari, excurrere, natare, equitare, venari, aucupari, ad palum et apud lanistam ictus inferre aut declinare, caesim punctimve hostem ferire, hastam vibrare, sub armis hyemen juxta et aestatem traducere, lanceis occursare, veri ac communis Martis simulacra imitari.' Cardanus (De prop. Vi

s there was much riding in Venice, before the streets were paved and the level wooden bridges turned into arched stone ones. Petrarch (Epist. Seniles, iv. 4) describes a brilliant tournament held in 1364 on the square of St. Mark, and the Doge Steno,

account of the music at the court of Frederick of Urbino, is to be found in Vespes. Fior. p. 122. For the children's chapel (ten children 6 to 8 years old whom F. had educated in his house, and who were taught singing), at the court of Hercules I., see Diario Ferrarese, in Murat. xxiv. col. 359. Out of Italy it was still hardly allowable for persons of consequence to be musicians; at the Flemish court of the young Charles V. a serious dispute took place on the subject. See Hubert. Leod. De Vita Frid. II. Palat. l. iii. Henry VIII. of England is an exception, and also the German Emperor Maximilian, who favoured

ch songs were often sung, that music already had its enemies (1520), and that the chapel of Leo X. and the still earlier composer, Josquin des Près, whose principal works are mentioned, were the chief subject

religious pieces in his old age. J. A. Campanus (Epist. i. 4, ed. Mencken) extols the musician Zacarus at Teramo and says

he not be the violinist in the Palazzo Sciarra? A certain Giovan M

gli historici può trovare copiosamente et anco essendo ingenioso et ricco d'invenzione può per se stesso imaginare?' Speaking of the lyre, he mentions Lionardo da Vinci and Alfonso (Duke?) of Ferrara. The author includes in his work all the celebrities of the age, among them several Jews. The most co

ly collected books of music. Sansovino's words are, 'è vera

among them the famous organist and organ-builder Squarcialupi. See Delecluze, Florence et ses Vicissitudes, vol. ii. p. 256, and Reumont, L. d. M. i. 177 sqq., ii. 471-473. Marsilio Ficino took part in these

giano, fol. 56

high and, except in Italy, r

e days, this would be called a profanation of the holiest feelings. (Comp. the last song of Britannicus, Tacit. Annal. xiii. 15.) R

ardeoniu

te 1. Comp. the excellent work of Attilio Hortis: Le Don

dicule of Codro Urceo, especially his remarkable discourse, An Uxor sit ducenda (Opera, 1506, fol. xviii.-xxi.), and the sarcasms of many of the epigrammatists. Marcellus

erber

uro resonent pu

ported by instances of famous or infamous women down to the time of the writer, was also treated by the Jews, partly in Italian and partly in Hebrew; and in connection with an earlier Jewish literature dating from the thi

Maleguccio, sometimes numb

in 1485, she was addressed in Latin, and 'arrexit diligentissime aures domina r

learned Isotta Nogarola deserves a word of mention. On her intercourse wit

There is a catalogue of the books possessed by Lucrezia in 1502 and 3 (Gregorovius, ed. 3, i. 310, ii. 167), which may be considered characteristic of the Italian women of the period. We there find a Breviary; a little book with the seven psalms and some prayers; a parchment book with gold miniature, called De Coppelle alla Spagnola; the printed letters of Catherine of Siena; the printed epistles and gospels in Italian; a religious book in Spanish; a MS. collection o

uoniam ad imperandum viris nata es.... Ita fac, ut sapientibus viris placeas, ut te prudentes et graves viri admirentur, et vulgi

nt of her heroic defence, ibid. col. 121 she is called a virago). Comp. Infessura in Eccard,

anly intellect and eloquence. Comp. Ranke's Filippo Stro

t is said of the 'Donna di Palazzo'-the counterpart of the Cortigiano-that she should neither avoid frivolous company nor use unbecoming language, is not decisive, since she was far more the servant of the princess than the Cortigiano of the prince. See Bandello, i. nov. 44. Bianca d'Este tel

course with girls in England and the Netherlands is shown by Bandello, ii. nov. 44, and iv. nov.

gionamento del Zoppino, p. 327, says of a courtesan: 'She knows by heart all Petrarch and B

ello, ii.

andello

instance of this, see Giral

ed. Leibnitz, pp. 75-77, &c. Landi (Commentario, fol. 76) mentions Rome, Naples, and Venice as the chief seats of the 'cortigiane;' ibid. 286, the fame of the women of Chiavenna is to be understood ironically. The Quaestiones Forcianae, fol. 9, of the same author give most interesting information on love and love's delights, and the style and position of women in the different cities of Italy. On the other hand, Egnatius (De Exemp. III. Vir. Ven. fol. 212 b sqq.) praises the chastity of the Venetian women, and says that the prostitutes come every year from Germany. Corn. Agr. de van. Scientiae, cap. 63 (Opp. ed. Lugd. ii. 158) says: '

nico tibi si da

wandering knigh

e, p. 132, note 1. Pandolfini died in 1446, L. B. A

spatches and negotiations. (A modest beginning has been made by Lichtenberg, Vermischte Schriften, v. 276-283.) When, and through what influe

flogging, but adds: 'Caedendos magis esse filios quam pestilentissmis blanditiis laetandos.' At a later time

ini si ponn

bestia fuss

as an indispensable means of education. In the biographies of the Fahrenden Schüler at the close of the fifteenth century (Platter's Lebensbeschrie

y against country life. He admits: 'Ego si rusticus natus non essem, facile tangerer

he middle of the fourteenth century. The villas were more beautiful than the town houses, a

rno della Famiglia (Tor

, ii. 13 sqq., 157 sqq. Poggio, in a letter to Facius (De Vir. Ill. p. 106): 'Sum enim deditior senectutis gratia rei rustic? quam antea.' See also Poggio, Opp. (1513), p 112 sqq.; and Shepherd-Tonelli, i. 255 and 261. Similarly Maffeo V

hichte der Renaissance in Itali

nce of the festivals is shown to have been a h

son with the cit

risti was not established at Venice until 1407

dour, something of medi?val coarseness about them, and the dramatic element was wholly wanting. Notice, too, the relative insi

. Villani

n Eccard, Scrippt. ii. col.

aves, the monologue in 'terzine.' For the Mysteries, s

ld of Cambray recommended to his clergy, instead of dice, a sort of spiritual bézique, with fifty-six abstract n

of heart (Purg. ix. 97), though the slab through being broken loses its value as a step. And again (Purg. xviii. 94),

, ix. 61; Pur

lan, p. 70 sqq. Dating from th

burg, 1512; often printed). Ascanio Sforza is there supposed to find consolati

4. See Olivier de la Ma

ith living statues, machines for raising bodies, and so forth; but the whole is confused and disconnected, and the allegories are mostly unintelligible. The festivals at Lisbon in 1452, held at the departure o

or those poets and artist

e introduction to the work, Le Rappresentazioni di Feo Belcari ed altre di lui Poesie, Firenze, 1833.

ich the disconsolate mothers seized one another by the hair. Della Valle, Lettere Sanesi, iii. p. 53. It was one o

co Sacchet

runellesco; v. 36 sqq.: Vita del Cecca

n account of the representation of Susanna, John the Baptist, and of a legend, at the house of the Cardinal Riario, see Corio, fol. 417. For the Mystery of Constantine

xvi. 1. p. 598. At the Crucifixion, a figure w

'canzone' of Andrea da Basso traces in detail the corruption of the corpse of a hard-hearted fair one. In a monkish drama of the twelfth century King Herod

iarii Sanesi, in Mu

monk had previously undertaken a voyage to Rome

'honneur,' in Roscoe, Leone X., ed

'Corpus Domini' is mentioned by Bursellis, Annal. Bonon. in Murat. xxiii. col.

ns we read, 'Nulla di

s true of many s

who fought with a (tamed?) lion; the latter, perhap

eautiful invention due to Italy, belong, like festive decorations generally, rather to the history of art than to our present work. So, too, the brilliant illuminations we read of in connexion with many fe

I. in 1459. A paradise, or choir of angels, was represented, out of which came an angel and sang

p. 18) complains that he had to spend so much for his wedding feast, garments, and so forth, that on the same day he had concluded a 'matrimonium' and squandered a 'patrimonium.' Ermolao Barbaro describes, in a letter to Pietro Cara, the bill of fare at a wedding-feast at Trivulzio's (Angeli Politiani Epist. lib. iii.). The list of meats and drinks in the Appendix to Landi's Commentario (above) is of special interest. Landi speaks of the great trouble he had taken over it, collecting it from five hundred writers. The passage is

estival at Florence in the year 1513, died from the effects of the exertion-o

iones Ph. B. Paris, 1492, c. 3 sqq. The description of

Sabellici, Epist

ie, &c. su. Lionardo

anets (not described with sufficient clearness) at the reception of the ducal brides at Ferrara. Diario Ferrarese,

468 sqq. The description is unclear an

the machine used for this purpos

5th of March, as a symbol that navigation was reopened. For anal

g. According to v. 115, the chariot is more splendid than the t

. und German. V?lker, ed. 2,

ndo (lib. ii. cap. 3), treats spe

erstitioni de' Re.' Comp. Cagnola, Arch. Stor. iii.

dix to the Dicta et Facta of Panormita, ed. 1538, pp. 129-139, 256 sqq. A dislike to excess

e of Massimiliano Sforza into Milan (1512), she stood as the chief figure of a triumphal arch above Fama,

, shows the impression which Alfonso's triumph had made in all Italy,. On

thor says expressly, 'le quali cose da li tri

toli' in terzines, An

n became accustomed to drive in chariots at every public solemnity. We read that Annibale Bentivoglio, eldest son of the ruler of Bologna, retur

ndour of an Etruscan funeral. The knights in mourning, however, and other features of the ceremony, were in accordance with the customs of the

cci. On the triumphs and processions in

Vita Pauli II. in Murat

Vita di Caesare

Vita di Puntormo. A most im

i. p. 264, Vita d

. col. 783. It was reckoned a bad

n. Barbavarus. He says: 'Vetus est mos civitatis in illust

corporations were: Pavoni, Accessi, Eterni, Reali, Sempiter

ton. Sabellici Epist. l. v. fol. 28

inis pegmatibus, quorum singula foederatorum regum, principumque suas

a. Vitae Pontiff. p. 318; Jac. Volaterran. in Murat. xiii. col. 163, 194; Paul. Jov. Elogia, sub Juliano C?sarino. Elsewhere,

VI. from October till Lent.

iv. 517 (comp. Grego

. Comment. l

thank him for a peace which he had concluded, but found the gat

Vita di Piero di Cosimo, to whom a chief part in the development of these festivities is ascribed. Comp. B. Loos (above, p. 154, note 1) p. 12 sq

Italy is more corrupt than all other coun

stres: Jo. Gal. Vicecomes.

onour in the modern world, see Prévost-Par

ng in the 'Expression of the Emotions,' and

icordi Politici e Civili, n.

is certainly knew, and quotes more than once (Pantagruel, l. ii. ch. 1. and ch. 7, at the end). It is

antua, l.

y special privilege to the nobility. The preaching of the Gospel, which is spoken of in the inscription at the entrance to the monastery, wou

diary in Delécluze, Florence

d, Scriptt. ii. col. 1992.

de Parme, ed. Delahays, p. 335) seems to me

Perugia, for the year 1437

, Hecatommith

ard, Scriptt. ii. col.

col. 837. Allegretto was himself present when the

God are ridiculed by Pulci, Morgant

rdini, Ricord

describes himself as very revengeful, but also

population fell off to a certain extent. Had this fact been due to t

iii. nov. 2. In the same strai

onicle of Graziani (Arch. Stor. xvi. p. 629). The brother forces the gallant to tear out the sister's eyes, and t

Sometimes the wife's confessor is bribe

bove p. 394,

nce, Bandello,

say the women in Giraldi (iii. nov. 10), when they a

scolans, who spend their last night in singing and dancing, the Abruzzian mother, who cheers up he

Murat. xxii. col. 330 to 349

are reminded of the gang led by a priest, which for so

As a matter of course, the

s, according to the notions of the time, implied no dishonour. The Archbishop Paolo Fregoso of Genoa, in the second half of the fifteenth century probably allo

h Naples at the present time, may have heard things as

It is true he thinks it was not so under the House of Anjou, 'sicam ab iis (the Aragonese) a

s are recorded, and the imagination of the Florentine writers

rt of Fedeli, in Alberi, Relazion

ls, approved by the council, to poison the Sultan (1471-1504), as well as evidence of the plan to murder Cha

ked that the suspicion of poisoning, which I believe to be now generally unfounded, is often expresse

in Eccard, Scrip

eved as to the art of poisoning in Italy. See Juvénal des Ursins, ad. ann. 1382 (ed. Buchon, p. 336), for th

, De Honesta Discipli

562. Joh. Ant. Campanus, Vita Pi

wishing to convince himself of the genuineness of his wife's despair, made her drink what she believed to be poison, but which was really coloured water, whereupon they were reconciled. In the family of Cardanus alone four cases of poisoning occurred (De Propria Vita, cap. 30, 50). Even at a banquet given at the coronation of

n Benato, a man in other respects of bad character, a noise was heard in the air and the earth shook, so that many people fled away or fell to the ground; this happened because Benato 'havea chiamato

e it not that he rather acted under the influence

ed seems to have been committed out of mere pleasure in cruelty. Br., it is true, believed neither

. Comment. l.

. 17, where he relates how Malatesta got

end. (When the work is published without

times and cities where the tendency was to enjoy life heartily. The general darkening of the spirits of th

f, chiefly through the sharp surveillance and partial reorganisation of the Church under Ferdinand and Isabella. The prin

altered names, have attacked them like the rest. They do so, however, e.g. in Bandello, ii. nov. 45; yet in ii. 40, he d

co delle iniquita d'Israele,' &c. Timotheus Maffeus dedicates a book against the monks to Pope Nicholas V.; Facius, De Vir. Ill. p. 24. Th

o provide for. On this ground he justifies the disgraceful attack made on a parsonage by two soldiers or brigands at the orders of a young gentleman, on which occasion a sheep

iii. 29, says this c

the tablet with the insc

ch the Neapolitan nobility was divided. The rivalry of the

is remarked that in the Index of 1564 a book is

ciscus, who attempted to work upon the king by a vision of St. Cataldus, was so great at his failure, and the talk on the subject

ot appear to the Venetian ambassadors Giustiniani and Soderini as anythin

in his commentary to it (Opp. ed. 1651, p. 79) tells of the detection o

neighbourhood of the court. See Jovian. Pontan. Antonius and C

ample the eighth cant

e Inquisition was sometimes treated jocularly. It is true that the 'Vicario' h

xxiii. col. 886, cf. 896. Malv. died 14

ion, is to be found Opere, vol. ii. p. 209, in the tenth novel. See an inviting description of t

f the clergy. One of his favourite sentences was, 'Sacerdotibus magna ratione

. 28, in the Oper

ordi, n. i

str. 40 sqq.; cap. vii. str. 57; ca

rrarese, in Mura

ian interpreter. St. Bernard had to use the

him, and with blessing them in the name of the Trinity and of his master San Bernadino, after which some of them not unnaturally

teano as 'doctus' and 'perhumanus.' Filelfo defended Bernadino of Siena and a certain Nicolaus, probably out of opposition to Poggio (Sat. ii. 3, vi. 5) rather than from liking for the preachers. Filelfo was a correspondent of A. of Sarteano. He also praises Rober

reachers who fail are a constant su

l-known story in the D

vii. i. p. 18. Chron. Venet. in Murat. xxiv. col. 114. Storia Bresciana, in Murat. xxi. col. 89

col. 865 sqq. On the first day 10,000 pers

i. col. 819 sqq. (July 13 to 18, 1486); the pre

i., p. 314) says on a similar occasion, 'brieve incanti,' when we must without doubt read 'brevi e incanti,' and perhaps the same emendation is desirable in Infessura, whose 'sorti' point to some instrument o

s, De Viris Illustr. p. 24. In the latter we read: 'Is quoque in tabella pictum nomen Jesus defe

instead of 'giudici' we are not to read 'giudei'), upon which they narrowly escaped bein

saint caused an ill-famed wood near Arezzo to be cut down, is told in Vasari, iii. 148, Vita di Parri Sp

l'aria si fendesse,

so. Once (1445), when Jacopo della Marca had but just quitted Perugia after an extraordinary success, a frightful vendetta broke out in the family of the Ra

(De Viris Illustr. p. 25), when a young man, was once so affected by a sermon of San Bernadino as to be on the point of joi

earth (1462). See Voigt. Enea Silvio iii. 591 sqq. Fra Jacopo della Marca, who would not yield to the Dominican Inquisitor, is criticised by Pius II. in his detailed account (Comment. l. xi. p. 511), with delica

. Anthony and St. Paul as their patrons, the latter on account of the snakes which they carried with them. We read of the money they got from the peasantry even in the thirteenth century by a sort of clerical conjuring. Their horses

or. iii. p. 357. Burig

l. 856 sqq. The quotation was: 'Ecce v

of the Beccaria tried to have him murdered, he began to preach a change of government and constitution, and forced th

an instance of this kind at Ferrara, see Sanudo (Murat. xxii. col. 1218). A preacher from Bologna reminded the people of the

preachers, who appeared after the expulsion of the French, are ment

ti, Storia Fior

. Savonarola (two vols. 8vo. Firenze, Lemonnier). The view taken by the latter writer differs considerably from that maintained in the text. Comp. also

on Haggai; cl

ubject cities free and yet kept Tuscany together. But he never seems

1483 solemnly dedicated their distracted city to

rologi': 'non è dar disputar (co

Villari on

ourteenth sermon on Ezechiel, i

, De Rusticorum Relig

nov. 109, where there i

n. De Sacris Diebus

tio, ducens a

ncta de relig

vis epulas date,

here,' in reality, as a revenge for those whom the citizens had killed. Giov. Villani, ix. 139, 141. Under Pius II. we read of an obstinate sun-worshipper, born at Urbino. ?n. Sylv. Opera, p. 289. Hist. Rer. ubique Gestar. c. 12. More wonderful

er of many philologists, without the addition of 'sanctus' or 'divus,' but speaks frequently of

atavii, in Murat. xx

. Though he is by no means a freethinker,

sqq. 'Verebatur Pontifex, ne in honore ta

the example of other Popes, e.g. St. Gregory, who had done the like. Louis was able to pay his devotion to the relic, but died after all.

iii. col. 905. It was one of the sixteen pat

i. 111 sqq. note.

o Villani, i

ecting bones and relics of a sacred antiquity. Such remains were preserved in great abundance in the Lateran, which, for that reason, was of special impo

cred and profane art (l. i.). Among the Jews, he says, there was a good reason for prohibiting all gra

stquam penitus

iqua sine majes

bis statuae dis

olos; jam sunt

tum testes moni

ernae decora im

ot believe in the genuineness of the Sacred Blood at Mantua. The same criticism which called in

f St. Bernard, Paradiso, xxxiii. 1, '

in the Opera, p. 964, and who from his youth believed himself to be under

avag. Commun. l. iii. tit. xii. He founded, too, the Feast of the Presentation of the Virgin i

the Madonna are most instructive in this resp

eech of the younger Pico, which was intended for the Lateran Council

, deinde fere Itali? populos universos.' Guil. Ventura (Fragmenta de Gestis Astensium in Mon. Hist. Patr. SS. tom. iii. col. 701) cal

former were not received in Florence, the

beginning) mentions a sudden revival called forth by the processions

90, 279. For that of Rinaldo Albizzi to the Holy Land, see Macchiavelli, Stor. Fior. l. v. Here, too, the desire of fame is sometimes the motive. The chronicler Giov. Cavalcanti (Ist. Fiorent

Annal. Bon. in Mur

had got about that it had rained blood outside the gate. Al

d in Lombardy, Galeazzo Capello (De Rebus nuper in Italia Gestis) is the b

stimonio,' and people told how it was 'c

in Murat. xxiv. col. 317,

nna,' says the chronicle. Married me

after it a Jew was baptised, 'ma non di quelli' adds

' says the annalist. After describing the arrangements, he adds resignedly: 'La cagi

whole thing was evidently intended to appear the work of

m Pico's Discourse on the Dig

imilar tolerance or indifference was not

e read, 'il buono Saladin.' For the Venetian alliance with the Sultan of Egypt in the year 1202, see G. Hanotaux in the Revue Historique iv. (1877) pp.

pistolae, Venet. 1

Italy about 1290 in the hope of converting the Pope to Judaism), in which two servants claim each to hold the jewel buried for the son, see Steinschneider, Polem. und Apol. Lit. der Arab. Sprache, pp. 319 and 360. From these and other sources we conclude that the story origin

which by no means answers the expectations raised by the title. Latest ed. by Weller, Heilbronn, 1876. Th

of the fiend Astarotte, canto xxv

o xxviii. s

xviii. str. 1

(canto xxi. str. 101 sqq., 121 sqq., 145 sqq., 163 sqq.), who believes nothing and causes

untries. It is defined by William of Malmesbury (iii. 237, ed. Londin, 1840): 'Epicur

eaks as follows of Epicurus: 'Quis eo parcior, quis contentior, quis modestior, et quidem in nullo philosophorum omnium minus invenio fuisse vitiorum, plurimique

ferno, vi

lanets in the Convito. Even the fiend Astarotte in Pulci (Morgante, xxv.

oigt, Wiederbe

. pp. 26, 320, 435, 626,

ic 'nobilitas' according to his 'genus': 'quem enim ex gentilibus habemus qui gloria et nomine cum David et Salomone, quique sapientia et doctrina cum Christo ipso conferri merito debeat et possit?' Juda

ial works; among others, Bitter, G

publicly. His letter to Lorenzo (May 17, 1478) begging him to intercede with t

e by Bart. Bianchini; and in his philo

asion he says, 'I

tes musasque Jo

vero nomine

Prague are defended by Poggio in his famous letter to Lion. Ar

ultimum vitae finem pervenero supplex accedam ad te spem oratum, ne me audias n

-a distinction by which philolo

non esset confirmata, honestate sua recipi debuisse.' It may be questio

pp. p. 256 sqq. Pontanus (De Sermone, i. 18) says that Valla did not hesitate 'dicere profiterique pal

, in the tenth novel) ridicules the Franciscans of Novara, who wanted to spend money which they had embezzled, in adding a chapel to their church, 'dove fusse di

e to be found in Bapt. Mantuan

Ann. Bonon. in Mur

ent, has been shown by Gieseler (Kirchengeschichte, ii.

denied the Divinity of Christ and the existence of Hell and Purgatory, and denounced indulgences as a device

e Fortuna, Opp. i. 792-

Sylvii, Ope

De Miseriis Huma

., one of the most valuable writings of a period rich in

Anonyma, in Roscoe,

im praestiterunt.' It is still not quite certain whether this inscription was outside, and visible to everybody, or, like another mentioned just before, hidden on one of the found

cription cannot have stood on the walls of the ne

tions lately found in the Catacombs show that the members of the Academy described themselves as 'sacerdotes,' and call

urat. xx. col. 468, the 'amorino' is naively called 'instar Cupidinis angelus.' Comp. the speech made before Leo X. (1521), in which the passage occurs: 'Q

alle, Lettere

re prescribed. Comp. Gregorovius, viii. 294, for Bembo. For the paganism thus prev

ese men in his service (Comp. Decembrio, in Murat. xx. col. 1017): he undertook nothing without their advice. Among them was a Jew

fice for a long period. See too Matteo Villani, x

d to have existed in 1125. Comp. the list of professors at Pavia, in Corio, fol. 290. For

ugustinus sanctissimus ille vir quidem ac doctissimus, sed fortassis ad fidem religionemque propensior negat quicquam

nal (and shamefaced astrologer) Bianco to bring out a

laterran. in Murat. xxiii. col. 173, 186. He caused the hours for audiences, receptions, and the like, to be fixed by the 'planetarii.' In the Euro

ius II. (Gotha, 18

nd 'abditissima qu?que anteact? ?tatis et uni ipsi cognita principi explicuerat qu?que incumberent

nke, P?ps

her Pagolo is mentioned as court mathematician and astrologer

Matheseos Libri viii. at t

r of Alessandro Bentivoglio, in Milan, confesse

hich is now in the Minster at Chur. Sixtus IV. too once said that he would try if the proverb was true. On

ery places, and refused brilliant positions offered him at Venice and Padua. Paul. Jov. Elog. Liter. pp. 67 sqq. Finally he threw himself into the water, in despair at the charge brought against him of complicity in Lorenzo's death, and was actually drowned. Hier. Aliottus had been told to be careful in his sixty-second year, as his life would then be in danger. He

edictus, in Eccard, ii. col. 1623. And yet his father, the great Francesco Sforza, had despised ast

to the ceremony of laying the foundation. Opere Volgari, tom. iv. p. 314 (or De Re ?dific. 1. i.). For Bonatto see Filippo Villani, Vite and Delia Vita e delle Opere

, iii. 1. under Charles the Great) and of the first of Venice (see above, p.

e quoted from Bonatto in Steinschneider, in the Zeitschr. d.

ove the Piazza, and when the right moment came gave the signal for the great bell to be rung. Yet it was admitted that he was often wide of the mark, and foresaw neither his own death nor the fate of Montefeltro. No

llani, xi. 3; se

l. i. See p. 511 note 1, for the honour

. Elog. sub v. L

himself. Benedictus, in

were common on clothes and household utensils. At the reception of Lucrezia Borgia in Ferrara, the mule of the Du

the passage quoted abov

io, in Cori

ltan Bajazet I. to consent to the ransom of John of Burgundy, since 'for his sake much Christian blood would be shed.' It was not

id of King Ferrante in 1493 that he would lose his thr

ypsen mit polemischer Tendenz, D. M

uan. De Patientia

colleagues. Bonatto had taught the same, and had explained the miracle of Divine Lov

nius they were destined 'ad indicandum nascentium naturas per gradus et numeros'-a more popula

t ut homines parum a Diis distare videantur'! Another enthusiast of the same

letter in question was written to Boccaccio. On Petrarch's polemic

i (nov. 151) ridicules

sewhere he appears as a devout beli

the pass

Villani, xi.

ontroversy. The passage is in other respects remarkable, since it contains the popular opinion with regard to the nine known comets, their

t appears that Leo himself was a believer at leas

irand. Adversus As

cus, the result he achieved was 'ut subtilium discip

olo Cortese, he will not admit the latter's refutation of astrology. ?gidius, Opp. ii. 1455-1514. P

cutors in the dialogue (p. 1496): 'Pontanus non ut Johannes Picus in disciplinam ipsam armis equisque, quod dicitur, irrumpit, cum illa

e. The angels remind us of Dante's t

. Rom. vol. viii. p. 226, ad a. 1510), disclaims astrology with violence, and in another letter to the

cordi, l.

at. xx. col. 1016 sqq.). Odaxius says in his speech at the burial of Guidobaldo (Bembi Opera, i. 598 sqq.),

premonitions were then as rife in Florence as at Jerusale

, Archiv. Stor.

. Stor. iii. 324,

p. 327. He also records the discovery of a dead dragon as thick as a horse in the excavations for a mortu

Diar. Parmense in Murat. xxii. col. 280. The author s

strology. The saints were naturally able to cause the rain to cease. Comp. ?neas Sylvius, in his life of Bernadino da Siena

ls and strange appearances in the sky, and mentions them chiefly as curiosities, even when adding the results attributed to them. Similarly Antonio Ferrari (il Galateo),

ae, fol. 160. Comp.

d on flight in 1529, because they opened the ?neid a

y be taken for what they are worth. Comp. Cardanus, De Propria Vita, cap. 4, 38, 47. He was himself an opponent of magic; cap. 39. For the p

o, p. 177) that the 'anim?' of wicked men rise from the grave, appear to their friends a

ad (p. 119) of the 'Fata Morgana

f the palace, who was also the husband of the beloved lady. The lover and his accomplices dressed themselves

xvi. i. p. 640, ad a. 1467.

lionii Carmina; Pro

e of their feet, and put to flight, partly by force and partly by the sign of the cross. Lib. vi. cap. 21: A servant, cast into prison by a cruel prince on account of a small offence, calls upon the devil, is miraculously brought out of the prison and back again, visits meanwhile the nether world, shows the prince his hand scorched by the flames of Hell, tells him on behalf of a departed spirit certain secrets which had

t from the Abbot of Vallombrosa, to

tradition, and exercised undoubtedly a great influence on the philosophical, political, and religious culture of the time. According to him the d?mons, who belong to the third order of the gods, are preserved from all error, and are capable of following in the steps of the god

. For probably the last metamorphosis of a man into an ass, in

at Ferrara and elsewhere was consulted by distinguished Lombards as to

ian. Ponta

aelectio' 'in priora Aristotelis Analytica cui titulus Lamia' (Italian trans. by Isidore del Lungo, Flor. 1

ly offered half the sum, and was accordingly burnt. The law was aimed at such persons as 'facc

1 sqq. For 'umbra' p. 552 read 'Umb

n: 'Medicus Ducis Saxoni?,

Tuscany. It was a cave, with footprints of men and animals in the sand, which whene

I. Comment.

Cellini, l.

ility of his description, or whether he was not rather romancing. The same doubt is permissible in the case of his

in a survival of pagan beliefs. To satisfy ourselves that the imagination of the mendicant friars is solely responsible for this delusion, we have only to study, in the Memoirs of Jacques du Clerc, the so-called trial

ander VI., Leo

he country of witches,

e faciebat cum d?monibus in specie puellarum.' He offered sacrifices to the d?mons. See for a parallel case, Procop. Hist. Arcana, c. 12, where a real brothel is frequented by a d?mon, who turns the other visitors

ches' kitchens, see Maccaroneide, Phant. xvi.

ry remarkable. Bembo says in the life of Guidobaldo (Opera, i. 614): 'Guid. constat sive corporis et naturae vitio, seu quod vulgo creditum est, actibus magicis ab Octaviano patruo p

i, Stor. Fio

and 37 a, about two magicians, a Sicilian and a Jew; we read of magical mirr

reservation. Corn. Agrippa, De

timo Decre

itae, xv. 363-549

bid. ix.

bid. x.

of him, Pulci (Morgante, canto xxiv. 106 sqq.) gives his theoretical view of the limits of

ts chiefly of superstition in England, where his life was passed. Speaking of the

s. A monster like Gilles de Retz (about 1440) who sacrificed more than

rgil in the Middle Ages. That Virgil began to take the place of the older Telest? may be explained partly by th

Dittamondo, 1

ii. 1, iii. v. 38, xi. He himself does not believe suc

rel in ancient times with the Ravennates, 'et militem marmoreum qui juxta Ravennam se co

n in Annal. Forolivens. Murat. xxii. col. 207

0: 'Veteres potius hac in re quam Pe

s, De Consecratione Ecclesiae (Duchesne, Scriptores,

the Calandr

qq.) attacks nercromancy fiercely. He is tolerably free from superstition (Sa

ths, in this case by an oath at the high altar of S. Petronio at Bologna, at a time when no

. Cellini,

Fiesole. It was Silvio Cosini, who also 'w

ands magic comes up hither to have his books consecrated, whereupon, as the people of the place say, a great storm arises.' (The consecration of books, as has been remarked, p. 527, is a special ceremony, distinct from the rest.) In the sixteenth century the ascent of

m, 1474 (Rer. Ital. Scrippt. ex

ead among the soldiery (about 1520), is ridicu

Elog. Lit. p. 106,

astic collector of portr

nomy. For his own fate he had to refer to the prophecies o

l. c. p. 100 sqq

side-branches of divination, are given by Co

st. des Sciences

(Remed. Utr. Fort. p. 93), one of the live

e in Trithem. Ann.

p. 150, s. v. 'Pomp, Gauricus;' comp. ibid. p. 130

le of the fourteenth century. It was opposed by Boccaccio and Petrarch in various letters, and by the latter in his work: De Sui Ipsius et Aliorum Ignorantia. Although Petrarch'

tetto.' The poet uses the words of an official wh

isregard of Christianity had an important influence on the I

i. 273 sqq. The standing phrase was 'non aver fede

ontan. Charon, O

erdocei Triumphus

as a means of effecting his release from prison, pointed to the fact that he had written an epistle on the immortality of the soul. See the remarkable defe

pas. Fiore

iones Phile

ecretal. lib. v.

mber of the Neapolitan Academy of Pontanus, uses the idea of the pre-existence of t

epubl. l. vi. Comp. Lucan,

ca, Epp. Fam.

s follows: 'Che agli uomini fortissimi poichè hanno vinto le m

4 sqq. Comp. Purgator

eferred to in the epitaph on

eles, Phidias,

tuas, o Nico

n. Bonon. Murat.

his late w

ullius rei quam voluntarie effecerim, etiam qu? male ce

scorsi, i

erno della Fam

of M. Antonio Flaminio in

tam Coryc

dives posui

estros an

ia t

risusque s

ervate diu

semper virid

made

longo sat

erras, dap

rsit, poti

re Ba

uola, Opere,

dvice to his son Cardinal Giovanni, see Fabroni, Laure

nc. Pico. For his 'Deprecatio ad De

hymn (oda il sacro inno tutta la natura) in Fabroni,' Laur. adnot. 9; L'Altercazione, in th

tterance of the fair pagan Antea is perhaps the plainest expression of the mode of thought prevalent in Lorenzo's c

rs corrected by th

rentine=> belonged origin

lan=> the Citadel

Moro=> nature of Lu

st=> Die Kriegskunst a

erest=> to take an

timate=> of its vassals

eeds=> do so by inf

espini=> forged chronicle of R

heathen=> fight its way

Petrarch=> to the annoy

itings=> was familiar w

macy=> now altogether lose i

erence=> The plays of Pla

mourning=> and mingled with

to see=> compelled them

e=> I go for a

natate=> Jo. Pici oratio de ho

cription=> he gives us a h

tor.=> Cronaca di Perugia,

llano=> eyes of Delio

85;=> Giulia Gonz

29.=> furtherers of

, 21, 22.=> Illegitimacy, ind