ocialistic party, although working for the present on national lines, is aware of the international character of the workmen's movement

st law-the president claimed that they had secured more votes at the Reichstag e

till in the present Reichstag they have no fewer than one hund

resentatives in the Reichstag, said: "We consider peace among the nations to be an indispensable preliminary for the improvement of social conditions. We vote against expenditure for military purposes, because we are convinced that this contin

apsing under them. Modern conditions are unbearable; out of them spring ever-increasing armaments, and at last a t

n. It is a passage from a speech delivered by the elder Liebknecht in the Reichstag: "As regards the defence of the Father

andlungen des Parteitags der Soz. Dem.

ted on many occasions-they were free to babble to French, English and Italian Socialists about the blessings of internationalism, general strikes, and eternal peace. But there i

al and international are not opposing principles. The word 'national' must be rightly understood. It includes only a certain, limited portion of international humanity. The part belongs to the whole, and interna

fore their national duties, and unfortunately in the ranks of these traitors, English M.P.'s may be found

German Democrats have never denounced the bearing of arms; they have admitted that arms will always

mrades) have either misunderstood or wilfully perverted these teachings. German Socialists have unswervingly insisted upon every man learning the use of arms, while their British followers have p

s the necessary guarantees that the army will always be the tool of the civil authorities and never their master. When the latter is the case we call such a condition 'militarism,' and it is against that alone that we fight." Seeing that military power is absol

e useless (aussichtslos), because it is unthinkable that the rival States would agree to legal restrictions concerning disarmament. If such were made, each

efore we declare war to the knife on every existing government, including Russian Czarism, British constitutionalism, German autocracy and American republicanism.

at expected by African races when bending the knee before images of wood and stone. German Socialists are pledged just as irrevocably to the doctrines of brute forc

means that the masses may unite to enforce what they will, and annihilate whom they please. The same rights of coalition are denied to anyone else, and in the coal-strikes in Sou

trikes during the p

allegiance to any existing form of government and to overthrow them at the ear

means that he is considered a full member of the brotherhood. If that is really the case, and if he accepts their programme

oath on entering the House of Commons, and why do they accept ￡400 per annum to supp

ssert that the German Socialists do not recognize any religious oath, and sections of the Socialists admit this position. As a party they are

charged with condoning perjury in order to rescue fellow members from the results of breaches of the law. Judge Schmidt in a court at Breslau said in that year: "Social Democrats have never concealed the fact that t

oured to gloss the matter over with righteous indignation and ambiguous phrases, but it nevertheless remains a fact that the desire to counteract effect

y be seen in the British Museum Re

individual than Czarism or Republicanism. The mines of Siberia and the tinned-meat factories of Chicago may enslave the body, but the Volksstaat, as portrayed by Socialist writers and speakers, promises an intellectual tyranny-hopeless alike to bo

rmination to place national before international interests, whenever these two should seem to be at variance. In the light of these decl

ver to have been left out of consideration when pondering o

tive land. Workmen have no Fatherland. It is impossible to take away what they do not possess. The Communists scorn to conceal their views and intentions. We declare openly, that their aims can only be attained b

emocrats are endeavouring to lift the world off its hinges. They live by the de

t is the sum total of their extensive defence-literature published since the outbreak of the present war. In its naked reality that is what the guarantee-insurance policy covered. So long as no danger threatened their own lives, goods and chatt

as president of the Socialist

e on this and that side the Rhine, urge us on to war; let the diplomats and Governments of both countries sacrifice the well-being of the two nations to militarism and the war-bogey. The working-men in the two countries stretch out their ha

nt's military and economic policy this parole: Not a ma

f the Reichstag in their report to the

he annual congress reports down to 1913; from the vast mass of German Social Democratic literature published between 1890 and 1914; and from the hundred party newspapers and reviews circulated in the Fatherland

asses, this has become the popular designation

ad but imitated Bismarck's policy with Russia and Austria. (Bismarck concluded a treaty, with the one Power, then behind that Power's ba

nerally known that they too have protected their rear by a Rückversicherung: (1.) They have consistently taught that every man must learn to bear arms, and that both man

ermany to be entirely responsible for the European crisis. They had then no shadow of doubt, that Austria alone was

versary of the ultimatum to Serbia (July 23rd, 1915) the Leipziger Volkszeitung contains these lines in a leading article: "To-day we may not repeat that which we wrote about the u

d acquiesced in the mobilization of the German army. On August 1st this

th it the outbreak of the world war. Thereby the severest trials will be

r duty, and on the other side of our frontiers every nerve is

e the conditions under which we live have once again proved stronger than our will, and t

cruel confirmation of our warnings to the ruling classes for m

talistic indifference; we shall remain true to our cause; we shall hold f

erious times, the task of working in the spirit of Socialism for the high ideals of humanity,

terrible force. Imprudent actions, useless and falsely-conceived sacrif

ble confidence that the future belongs, in spite of all

ARTEIV

ers of th

July 3i

m was letting loose the war-fury on Europe. There are rumours of a secret consultation with the German Chancellor, but that is of little import in this place. The leaders of this huge party proclaimed on July 25th that

ithin and without our frontiers" in the second paragraph; the text as I have given it is taken from the Leipzig

ill suffice to illustrate the complete cha

or creed, in accepting the fight forced upon us by Russian barbarism, and we are ready to fight till the last d

whatever the final decision may be, we must drop all class distinctions and differences of every kind, to form a single, determined people,

y declared on innumerable occasions that the Social Democrats could not leave their Fatherland in the lurch when the hour of destiny strikes; the workmen will now redeem the promise given

r to this journalist when Germany began a r

by the Kaiser when speaking of the Social De

Russian knout-rule. Our women and children shall not be sacrificed to Russian bestiality, no

t. Yet just these journals, and this party, had maintained, so long as any degree of free speech was permitted, that Austria had provoked the danger, and they were fully aware that the G

army. From July 26th till July 30th German papers contained many reports that Russia was mobilizing; they may have been true or not, but the diplomatic correspondence published by Austria and discussed on page 63 shows conclusively that the Centra

n a spy and informer in the interests of the Umsturzpartei (overthrow-party). All the happenings of the workshop, barracks, farmyard, shop and office have been systematically reported to the local Press, and local committees of the Democratic Party; the ammunitions thus obtained have been just as systematically employed to fire insi

nfantry Regiment, stationed in Erlangen, dared some years ago to send his orderly with a she-goat to a peasant in the district who kept the indispensable he-goat. Two days later he was pilloried in a Furth paper for calling upon a private soldier to f

gible evidence that mobilization was proceeding stealthily, and it would be ridiculous for him to claim greater knowledge than the hundred and eleven S.D

hich under these circumstances, was most immediate and pressing in determining the attitude to war, not only for the masses, but also many of our leaders, was the fear of a hostile invasion, the urgent necessity to keep the enemy out of our terri

nationalit?t und der Kri

ion to this a second strongly-working popular motive decides the attitude of a nation to war, viz

layed any part in the decision arrived at, but merely a great fear which impelled

arers was to convince them that Russia alone was to blame. "The question of supporting the war by voting a loan was all the easier for us to decide, because the provocation had come, not from France or England, but from Russia. I admit openly that while I was travelling to Berlin to t

ags" ("The War Sitting of the Reichstag"), by Karl Hil

consideration, because at the moment she had not yet declared war. But by England's i

76: Ibid

His speech had been published in the Berlin papers. Furthermore, the Chancellor informed the Reichstag that England's position was perfectly clear, although he suppressed the fact th

ground for voting a loan for a war of defence, there is still no evident reason why they should vote funds for a war of aggression against Belgiu

two weak neighbouring countries. In spite of their terror that they personally might suffer through the horrors of war, their va

party I am empowered to make the following declaration: We are standing in an hour of solemn destiny. The consequences of the imperialistic

evelopment with all the forces at its command. Up to the very last hour we have worked for the maintenance of peace through mighty demonstrations

ut only concerning the necessary means for the defence of our country. Now we have to think of the millions of our Genossen who are innocently swept into this fate. They

ose fear for their loved ones is added the dread of hunger. Tens of thousands of wounded and mutilated warriors will soon be added to

to believe that the party has worked

t sons, much-if not everything-is at stake for our people and our free future. It is a question of a

ause.) Thereby, we feel ourselves in unison with the principles of internationalism which have always admitted the right of e

shall end by a peace that will make friendship with neighbouring countries possible. We demand this, not only in the int

new millions, and win them over to the socialistic ideal and international peace.

ipziger Volkszei

war credit to prosecute the campaign against France, the Socialists were few and helpless. Yet Liebknecht and Bebel refused to vote in its favo

"Die Internationalitat

hat the small party in 1870 protested when a national issue was at stake, while the mighty party of 1914 made no protest whatever, although,

lly termed Asiatic) barbarism, tyranny and misrule. Passages from the speeches and writings of Bebel, Liebknecht and others were quoted to show the fiendishness of Russian policy, and the justice of every German doing his utmost to sma

abryela Zapolska. The story commenced in the Nuremberg party organ on

wrote. "Austria? Russia is a mammoth, barbarian Empire which its despotic rulers endeavour to civilize, just so far as suits their despotic interests. In that country barbarism is excusable, because it is a nation

tion of Lassalle's "Reden und

berg, was sent to Italy to discuss the situation with Italian Socialists and justify their own action in supporting the war. The following account of the meeting appeared in the Vorw?rts for September 12th: "The meeting lasted from 3.30 p.m. till 7 p.m

a proof that we Germans are aware of our duties towards internationalism.[82] We believed that the German Government had given

other purpose than winning over the sympathies of Italian Socialists and with

. The Italian Socialists would not have given their assistance under the sam

on in the Reichstag and continued: 'I am astonished that the Italian Socialists are able to believe, that so strong a party as the German Democra

t Germany, and it seemed as if the Italian comrades were in agreement with Italian na

ndition of affairs" seems to m

the intention, nor the right, to influence the attitude of the Italian Socialists

comrades in this solemn hour, all the more remarkable because intentions might easily be ascribed to thi

f our France, revolutionary France, Jauré's France. The French Socialists opposed the military preparations made by France, you Germans did

or us a far greater danger than Czarism, because Czarism prevents the German army from marching on Paris, and

d it; but you have published in the Vorw?rts an appreciation of the

, when you attack and torture neutral Belgium, and complete the destruction of Louvain. Taken as a whole, Ge

ernard Shaw, etc., and the Labour Leader, whose writings on the war have

rality, and you have not even protested. We tell you quite openly that we hono

r this terrible indictment, and the Vorw

tand, desist from discussing it in the present situation. Unfortunately we must recognize the fac

tung, second in importance only to the Vorw?rts nailed down a phrase in the Kaiser's speech from the throne,

s is the admission that Germany cherishes no lust for co

and robbed the Russian people. If Germany, in a delirium of victory, should raise claims which mean annexation, then

ipziger Volkszei

s causing the cleavage. In December last Liebknecht abstained from voting when the second war loan was granted by the Reichstag. Evidently doubts hav

the basis that Germany renounces all annexation claims and assuming that the other Powers in question are willing to negotiate?" Von Jagow replie

ked a hurrica

s absolutely necessary for the party to organize simultaneously in all parts of the country great popular demonstrations a

exation. What the allies cannot hinder, the Social Democrats would be still more helpless to prevent; especially as the great majority of them are unreservedly on the side of the Kaiser and his Government. When in need, the latter f

rrange personal interviews with the leaders of the corresponding party in France-the French "comrades" have refused to meet them. The Leipziger Volkszeitung for

h as to enter this German mouse-trap, then before the war has reached a decisive conclusion, a large section of the French nation would be pledged to renounce the lost provinces even in case of a German defeat. This is an excellent instance of the manner in which German So

appeared in the same journal four days later. "According to our opinion it would be a crime, if France made the return of these provinces a condition of peace." In the same article an accusation of one-sidedness is made against the Socialist

rves of the English patriots."[86] These gentlemen invariably receive polite mention, but Fren

ziger Volkszeitung

blished. An official declaration of the party which appe

f all nations, German Social Democracy strives for a peace which bears the guarantee of permanence, and will bring the Europ

he rejection of all annexation plans on the part of our opponents. That includes the French pl

e economic development for

ghts for commercial and such-like ac

red-nation clause in the articles of

omic entente by abolishing tar

cial-political institutions according to ideals

y. To this end the right of capture at sea must be abolished, and all stra

l and economic efforts in South-Eastern Europe, we reject all the warlike aims

ns to govern themselves; furthermore because thereby, the unity and strength of Germany would be weakened and her foreign relat

lines of dots at this point. Probably t

ed by an international court of justice. The attainment of this end must be recognized as the highest moral duty of all those who are appointed to the work of

iger Volkszeitung,

the German Government will welcome it because it will give Germany's sympathizers in France, England, Italy and Russia an excellent weapon with which they can attack

n end of August; fulfilled in the L

hor believes that all Britishers worthy of the name would simply answ

ice and humanitarianism. Still we are not altogether surprised, because the Democratic newspaper organs have openly defended and justified the atrocities committed by German soldiers, and whenever any particularly damning evidence has been produced their parole has consistently

x and Engels; the former is buried in Highgate cemetery. For many decades the party professed enthusiastic admiration of British institutions and our ideal

ir opposition to German naval expansion, and while conceding that naval supremacy is vital and indispensable to England, continue: "Boundless plans are vei

and schemes of conquest; a weapon with which to realize their mad imaginings of a greater Germany

se influential circles which-impelled by an overpowering impulse to deeds, and inspired by a diseased long

has been converted to the side of their former opponents. To-day the Social Democrats are just as hearty

destroyed. This represents the tone of their daily Press, and the change of attitude has been proved to be scientifically correct in various books published by their leaders during the present year. One of these works will be quoted at considerable

d der Weltkrieg," by Dr. Paul Lensch, published

g in the interests of Germany, and the world. England's fight against Napoleon for European freedom Dr. Lensch disposes of

nded to secure her naval supremacy, because Germany seemed to be escaping from the strangulation cord which. England

ople continue to exist a

Czarism continue to threa

n, seeing that Britain only allows other nations to develop, so

the peoples now recognize that England's wealth, freedom, and greatness a

he slightest interest in helping t

resent privileged position. They will be reduced to the same level as the w

most as the result of his own battles. In any case, it is to be hoped that Briti

hrow of England's world-position would clear the way for the continuation of the wo

ence a German victory would be a victory for Marx's internationalism, and only then, would the heart

cientist had foretold, became evident to all eyes two decades later. The social system of the greatest, world-ruling industrial State was s

development had already commenced, i.e., the downfall of English supremacy. If the war hastens and concludes this process, then the sacrifices in blood and treasure wil

out of the world, these hot-headed pioneers of liberty (Kaiserdom?) wish to destroy the very Stat

, and if British workmen should ever see these lines, it will interest them to know that German Socialists are anxious to pull them down

us Communist manifesto of Marx and Engels concludes with the words: "Proletarians of all lands, unite!" It is much to b

and, über alles.'" By this simple means the learned doctor would

ts of freedom and democracy are utterly

the 1870 struggle established a Little Germany. Through

d themselves," which is a principle that the I.L.P. and U.D.C., etc., would do well to note. "The peculiarity of our si

ssay on German Social Democracy in th

. Last year the Berlin Government published a record of crimes committed in Germany. It is the most awful record of any nation in the world, and the above gentlemen woul

sable for the Socialist party to begin the work of humanizing them. Their efforts to internationalize the world have resulted in a hopeless débacle; let them