e wilderness was his ambition to discover the pathway to China. In 1608 the St Lawrence had not been explored beyond the Lachine Rapids, nor the Richelieu beyond Chambly-while the Ottawa w

danger became negligible. And when exploring the wilderness Champlain was in full command. Off the coast of Norumbega his wishes, as geographer, had been subject to the special projects of De Monts and Poutrincourt. A

foreground. At no point can his narrative be thought dull, compact as it is and always in touch with energetic action. But the details of fur trading at Tadoussac and the Sault St Louis, or even of voyaging along the Acadian seaboard, are f

lay his course to the cantons of the Iroquois south of Lake Ontario and the villages of the Hurons north of Lake Simcoe. Above all, the expeditions of 1609, 1613, and 1615 are the central episodes of his work as an explorer, each marked by a distinct motive and abounding with adventures. In 1609 he discovered Lake Champlain and fought his first battle with the Iroquois. In 1613 he was decoyed by a lying guide into a fruitles

rife with the Iroquois. In turn this promise was based upon the policy of conciliating those savage tribes from whom the

that his father-in-law, Pontgrave, was already at Tadoussac. Champlain at once set out to meet him, and it was arranged that Pontgrave should take charge of the settlement for the coming year, while Champlain fulfilled his promise

s. To advance meant sending back the shallop with its crew and stores, embarking in a canoe, and trusting wholly to the good faith of the savages. The decision was not easy. 'I was much troubled,' says Champlain. 'And it gave me especial dissatisfaction to go back without seeing a very large lake, filled with handsome islands and with large tracts of fine land bordering on the lake, where their enemies lived, according to their representati

ver, communicated itself to them, and on July 12 they set out from Chambly Basin to commence the portage. At the top of the rapid a review of forces was held, and it proved that the Indians numbered sixty men, equipped with twenty

ree leagues. But before nightfall these scouts return, and then all lie down to sleep, without leaving any pickets or sentries on duty. When Champlain remonstrated with them for such gross carelessness, they replied that they worked hard enough during the daytime. The normal formation of an Indian war-party embraced three divisions-the scouts, the main body, and the hunters, the last always remaining in the re

esent the speech of the devil, and carrying on violent antics which leave him in a stream of perspiration. Outside the hut the Indians sit round on their haunches like apes and fancy that they can see fire proceeding from the roof, although the devil appears to the soothsayer in the form of a stone. Finally, the chiefs, when they have by these means learned that they wi

n the summit of which Champlain mistook white limestone for snow. On July 29, at Crown Point, the Iroquois were encountered at about ten o'clock in the evening. Thus the first r

had seen the Iroquois drowning in a lake. As soon as the enemies saw each other, both began to utter loud cries and make ready their we

wo canoes to the

ht, to which the l

g else; but they s

light, and that i

so as to be able

as soon as the s

This was agreed

ire night was spe

ides, with endless

tle courage we h

ld make against th

should realize it

ow in retorting,

h execution of arm

abundance of su

the siege

t on light armour and, armed with an arquebus, went ashore. Champlain was near enough the barricade to see nearly two hundred Iroquois, 'stout and rugged in appearance. They came at a slow pace towards us, with a dignity and assurance whi

bed in Champlain's own words, for in all h

landed, they beg

s towards their

g as yet noticed

ds with some sava

oud cries; and in

y opened in two p

e I marched some

st, until I was w

, who at once noti

did also at them

re at us, I reste

directly at one o

t two fell to the

ounded that he die

usket with four b

favourable for th

ries that one cou

hile the arrows f

greatly astonish

illed, although t

n from cotton th

against their ar

them. As I was l

fired a shot from

anew to such a d

d, they lost cou

ng their camp an

hither I pursued

savages also kil

elve prisoners. Th

Fifteen or sixte

ow shots, but the

in such wise that the unfortunate did not see the shot. Like Montcalm and other French commanders of a later date, Champlain found it impossible to curb wholly the passions of his savage allies. In this case his remonstrances had the effect of gaining for the victim a coup de grace-which may be taken as a measure of Champlain's prestige. The atrocious sava

the 'Great North River of New Netherland.'] entered it from the mouth. But the Algonquins were content with their victory, though they candidly stated that there was an easy route from the south end of Lake George to 'a river flowing into the sea on the Norumbega coast near that of Florida.' The return to Quebec and Tadoussac was attended by no incident of moment. The Montagnais, on parting with Champlain at Tadoussac

s on the flora and fauna are very interesting. The garpike as he saw it, with amplifications from the Indians as they had seen it, gave him the subject for a good fish story. He was deeply impressed, too, by the richness of the vegetation. His attack on the Iroquois was not soon forgo

been said already regarding his ambition to discover a short route to Cathay. This was the great prize for which he would have sacrificed everything save loyalty to the king

d to woodcraft during Champlain's lifetime the most notable were Etienne Brule, Nicolas Vignau, Nicolas Marsolet, and Jean Nicolet. Unfortunately the three first did not leave an unclouded record. Brule, after becoming a most accomplished guid

hich could not but kindle excitement in the heart of an explorer. The basis of fact was that Vignau had undoubtedly passed the pre

e, on his return

the North Sea; th

tawa] came from a

in seventeen day

uis to this sea an

reck and debris o

cked, on board of

d to the shore, an

e English endeavo

ir Indian corn an

he had seen the

ed off, accordin

how me, and that t

boy whom they had

tly pleased me, f

nd that for whic

een se

d that Vignau should go with him over the whole route. Finally, as they were on the point of sailing together for Canada in the spring of 1613, he once more adjured Vignau in the presence of distinguished witnes

the rapids was both fatiguing and dangerous. Prevented by the density of the wood from making a portage, they were forced to drag their canoes through the water. In one of the eddies Champlain nearly lost his life, and his hand was severely hurt by a sudden jerk of the rope. Having mounted the rapids, he met with no very trying obstacle until he had

iscovery, believing that no one would follow him long, even if an attempt were made to confirm the accuracy of his report. But Champlain, undeterred by portages and mosquitoes, kept on. Some savages who joined him said that Vignau was a liar, and o

es, asked for mercy. The Indians would gladly have killed him outright, but Champlain spared his life, though how deeply he was moved can be seen from these words: 'Overcome with wrath I had him removed, being unable to endure him any longer in my p

e of sepulture, the tabagie or feast, and the superstition which leads the Algonquins to throw pieces of tobacco into the cauldron of the Ch

l the guests ca

oden spoon. They

ceremony on the g

distributed to th

ushed between tw

h which was cut i

boiled together

asted on the coa

so distributed. In

h any of their c

dirty manner, I

hat I might prep

. For drink we had

the tabagie, ente

, according to

g over, the youn

rangues and counc

at the door of th

ined began to fil

ring me one. We

occupation, not a

their

portage. In any case, it was an ordeal that could not be avoided, for feasting meant friendly intercourse, and only through friendly intercourse

d assembled at the Sault St Louis to traffic with the Indians. When Champlain reached

liar, at which

gged them to asse

e, and that of t

might make de

hich they gladly

ummoned him and a

sea of the north,

re. He replied th

ble for him, sinc

t the desire of

y what he did, al

uld undertake it;

pardon him, as

that he had grea

him in the countr

offence and see t

y intelligence

nd in view of cer

him on this

by the annual barter with the Indians, a

inter with the Indians, enlarging greatly thereby his knowledge of their customs and character. The central incident of the expedition was an attack made by the Hurons and their allies upon the stronghold of the Onondagas in the heart of the Iroq

ided them against the Iroquois. In 1615 the Hurons not only reminded him of his repeated promises to aid them, but stated flatly that without such aid they could no longer attend the annual market, as their enemies were making the

rons]. His own name for this vast inland sea is the Mer Douce. That he did not explore it with any degree of thoroughness is evident from the terms of his narrative as well as from his statement that its length, east and west, is four hundred leagues. What he saw of Lake Huron was really the east shore of Georgian Bay, from the mouth of French River to the b

opography of Huronia it may suffice that Champlain left Matchedash Bay not far from Penetanguishene, and thence went to Carmaron at the very north of the peninsula. Returning, he passed through some of the largest of the Huron villages, and after sixteen days came out at Cahaigue, which was situated close to Lake Simcoe and almost on the site of the modern Hawkestone. It was here that most of the Huron warriors assembled for the great expedition

ys, 'that all this region is very fine and pleasant. Along the banks it seems as if the trees had been set out for ornament in most places, and that all these tracts were in former times inhabited by savages who were subsequently compelled to abandon them from fear of their en

braced various allies, including a band of Algonquins. Whether from over-confidence at having Champlain among them or from their natural lack of discipline, the allies managed their attack very badly. On a pond a few miles south of Oneida Lake lay the objective point of the expedition-a palisaded stronghold of the Onondagas. At a

ed scaffolding, which should overtop the palisade and could be brought close against it. From the top of this framework four or five musketeers were to deliver a fusillade against the Ir

nstead of towards it. On the failure of this attempt to fire the fort all semblance of discipline was thrown to the winds. 'There also rose such disorder among them,' says Champlain, 'that one could not understand another, which greatly troubled me. In vain did I shout in their ears and remonstrate to my utmost with them as to the danger to whic

promise. Although Champlain had received two severe wounds, one in the leg and another in the knee, he urged a second and more concerted attack. But in vain. The most the Hurons would promise was to wait four or five days for the expected reinforcements. At the end of this time there was no sign of the five hundred, and the

en carried in a kind of basket, 'crowded up in a heap.' Doubtless as a mark of distinction, Champlain was carried separately on the back of a savage. His wound was so severe that when the retreat began he could not stand. But the transportation proved worse than the wound. 'I never found myself in such a gehenna as du

of autumn. The fight at the fort of the Onondagas had taken place on October 10, and eight days later there was a snowstorm, with hail and a strong

t no canoe could be had, and in consequence Champlain was forced reluctantly to accompany the Hurons. With his usual patience he accepted the inevitable, which in this case was only unpleasant because he was ill prepared for spending a wint

dians, Champlain planned to make Huronia a point of departure for still further explorations to the westward. Early in 1616 there seemed to be a favourable opportunity to push forward in the direction of Lake Superior. Then came this wretched brawl of Hurons and Algonquins, which thr

s one greatly di

d been waiting to

ing ones I had bee

fort, through so

But realizing th

hat everything de

ed myself, resolv

such sure inform

rt of these people

ling in those no

m live in a place

re there are grea

ns of several of

ded were buffa

f their form. Fi

his journey requi

turning as

lations with their neighbours-the Tobacco Nation, the Neutral Nation, les Cheveux Releves, and the Race of Fire. Hence the Voyage of 1615 not only describes the physical aspects of Huronia, but contains intimate details regarding the life of its people-their wigwams, their food, their manner of cooking, their dress, their decorati

o explore the recesses of the forest. Forty days later he reached the Sault St Louis, and saw once